How the Nation’s Largest Minority Became White: Race Politics and the Disability Rights Movement, 1970–1980

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Erkulwater

Abstract:Scholars point out a tension between racial justice and disability rights activism. Although racial minorities are more likely to become disabled than whites, both disability activism and the historiography of disability politics tend to focus on the experience and achievements of whites. This article examines how disability rights activists of the 1970s sought to build a united movement of all people with disabilities and explains why these efforts were unable to overcome cleavages predicated on race. Activists drew from New Left ideas of community and self-help as well as the New Right rhetoric of market freedoms to articulate a vision of liberation for people with disabilities. Though they yearned for racial solidarity, in practice, activists could not overcome institutions that separated antipoverty and racial politics from disability policy, nor could they figure out how to incorporate minority voices in an identity-based movement forged around disability rather than color.

2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-158
Author(s):  
Ashlee Christoffersen

Abstract This article explores the barriers that UK equality third sector organizations practising community development face when seeking to operationalize intersectionality. It is based on research with three networks of equality organizations (racial justice, feminist, disability rights, LGBTI rights, refugee organizations, etc.) in cities in England and Scotland employing mixed qualitative methods. Barriers to operationalizing intersectionality including power relationships with the state, challenges relating to neoliberal austerity, and competing discourses of identity-based ‘equalities’ and socioeconomic ‘inequality’ were identified. The article argues that equality third sector organizations are significantly hampered in their attempts to operationalize intersectionality by the low status they occupy vis-à-vis the state and by neoliberal austerity contexts.


Author(s):  
Lindsey Patterson

Contrary to the traditional notion that disability rights in the United States were the by-product of the tumultuous 1960s, the disability rights movement actually dates back to the late nineteenth century. Over the years, ordinary citizens and local, national, and international organizations combined in promoting the citizenship rights of disabled people. Excluded from most aspects of public life, people with disabilities championed self-determination through deinstitutionalization, the independent living movement, and access to education, employment, and public transportation. This examination of local, state, and national efforts by people with disabilities to achieve full participation in civic life will help expand our understanding of civil rights movements in modern U.S. history.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica Lea

The disability rights movement focuses on guaranteeing equal rights and opportunities to individuals with disabilities. Though people with disabilities advocated for improved conditions and government help as far back as the early 20th century, the movement really began in earnest in the 1970s following the lead of the civil rights revolution. Disability activists called for the explicit protection of individuals with disabilities through changes in public law.  Their efforts, helped foster the creation of federal laws (particularly the 1990 Americans with Disabilities Act- ADA) that specifically addressed discrimination on the basis of disability and required institutions to provide appropriate accommodations. Through understanding how ableism influenced medical, legal, and educational institutions, a greater understanding of life for citizens prior to the ADA can be formed. This paper focuses on how an individual court case was used to hold these institutions accountable for continued exclusion of people with disabilities and set the stage for the disability rights movement moving forward.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas F. Burke ◽  
Jeb Barnes

The United States has been a leader in the creation of disability rights law, providing a policy template for other nations. Yet the social model, the animating philosophy behind the disability rights movement, has had little effect on the wide range of welfare programs that serve people with disabilities. These programs, whose creation preceded the modern disability rights movement, reflect a medical model of disability that is at odds with the social model. Analysing the Americans with Disabilities Act (which embodies the social model) and Social Security Disability Insurance (the largest welfare program for people with disabilities), we explore how and why this layering of contradictory disability rights and welfare programs developed and how it has been maintained. We argue that the tension between these policies engendered a series of patches, or ‘kludges’, that allow the policies to coexist without meaningful synthesis. We contend that the United States is particularly prone to this layering of ‘tense policies’, but that it is likely characteristic of disability policy in many nations. Finally we argue that accurate benchmarking of disability rights regimes across nations requires analysts to dig through all the layers of disability policy.


Author(s):  
Sally Friedman ◽  
Richard K. Scotch

Persons with disabilities make up a large and significant segment of the American public; however, Americans with disabilities have rarely been considered an important political constituency or received public (or scholarly) attention in terms of their representation among political candidates or office holders. To the extent that people with disabilities have been addressed in American political discourse, they have been associated with the receipt of public benefits and services instead of being thought of as people with the potential to actively participate. Having a physical or mental impairment has typically carried with it a considerable degree of social stigma, and to be disabled is, in the minds of many, to be incapable and incompetent, dependent on others, and even morally questionable. Thus, for much of American history, the perception of an individual as disabled has been inconsistent with the personal qualities that the voting public and political gatekeepers view as desirable for public officials.While there have always been politicians with disabilities in government, many of them have chosen to hide or minimize the visibility and extent of their impairments. However, cultural changes in part provoked by the disability rights movement have meant that many impairments have become less discrediting, and that people with disabilities are more likely to be seen as having the potential to be contributing citizens. The number of political candidates and officeholders with disabilities appears to be increasing, and some have chosen to include or even highlight their disabling condition as they present themselves to their constituents.


2019 ◽  
pp. 171-186
Author(s):  
Thushara Dibley

This chapter focuses on the disability movement, a relatively new movement that has managed to draw on the increased availability of foreign funding to capitalize on the democratic structures now in place in Indonesia. It shows how the disability rights movement, which was at best embryonic in the late New Order period, has developed momentum since the Indonesian government signed the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) in 2007. After that time, the availability of international aid to support activities related to disability contributed to the formation of a number of new organizations that were then well placed to respond to the opportunities that democratization offered. In particular, these organizations have been able to take advantage of the opportunities to influence policy at both the provincial and national levels. Their success highlights how Indonesian democracy offers inclusive and participatory processes for people with disabilities to have direct input into policy decisions.


JCSCORE ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-124
Author(s):  
OiYan A. Poon ◽  
Jude Paul Matias Dizon ◽  
Dian Squire

This article presents a case study of the 2006-2007 Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) student-led Count Me In! (CMI) campaign. This successful campaign convinced the University of California (UC) to account for 23 AAPI ethnic identities in its data system. Celebrated as a victory for AAPI interests in discourses over racial equity in education, which are often defined by a Black- white racial paradigm, CMI should also be remembered as originating out of efforts to demonstrate AAPI solidarity with Black students and to counter racial wedge politics. In the evolution of the CMI campaign, efforts for cross-racial solidarity soon faded as the desire for institutional validation of AAPI educational struggles was centered. Our case study analysis, guided by sociological frameworks of racism, revealed key limitations in the CMI campaign related to the intricate relations between people of color advocating for racial justice. We conclude with cautions for research and campaigns for ethnically disaggregated AAPI data, and encourage advocates and scholars to address AAPI concerns over educational disparities while simultaneously and intentionally building coalitions for racial equity in higher education.


2020 ◽  
pp. 216747952094273
Author(s):  
Doralice Lange de Souza ◽  
Ian Brittain

There are claims that the Paralympic Games (PG) might contribute to a better world for people with disabilities (PWD). However, there are also claims that the PG might in fact be counterproductive to the PWD’s rights movement because they might promote the medical model of disability and/or ableism. In this context, we developed a qualitative exploratory study to investigate the legacies of the Rio 2016 PG from the perspective of disability rights activists and people involved in Paralympic sport managerial positions. In this article, we discuss one of the main perceived legacies that the PG fostered PWD’s visibility and a change in society’s perception of PWD. We conducted 24 open in-depth interviews and found that, for our participants, the PG worked as a showcase for PWD who were rarely seen in the media and in public spaces before the Games. This visibility helped to challenge negative stereotypes and stigmas associated with PWD, as well as possibly opening new doors for them. Our interviewees believe that we shouldn’t expect that the PG alone can change people’s perceptions and PWD’s status overnight. They are part of a larger and complex set of actions that are slowly contributing to this process.


1994 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca E. Klatch
Keyword(s):  
New Left ◽  

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