scholarly journals Multiple scansions in loanword phonology: evidence from Cantonese

Phonology ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Silverman

In loanword phonology we seek to uncover the processes by which speakers possessing one phonological system perceive, apply native representational constraints on, and ultimately produce forms which have been generated by a different phonological system. We are interested in how speakers instantiate segmental and prosodic structure on an input which may or may not abide by native rules. Crucial to this assumed strategy is the idea that loanwords do not come equipped with their own phonological representation. For any phonetic string, it is only native speakers for whom a fully articulated phonological structure is present; as we will see, the input to loanword phonology is merely a superficial non-linguistic acoustic signal. Thus as host-language speakers perceive foreign forms in accordance with their indigenous phonological system, they instantiate native phonological representations on the acoustic signal, fitting the superficial input into the native phonological system as closely as possible.

2003 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bert Vaux

This article approaches from a new angle the question of the extent to which predictable information is stored in the lexicon. By examining the ways in which morphological phenomena can be sensitive to prosodic structure, I argue that some—but not all—predictable information is stored in lexical entries. Detailed analysis of a fragment of the Armenian phonological system, focusing on the behavior of consonants at morpheme edges, supports a more abstract view of phonological representations (containing syllables, appendices, and unparsed segments) than can be inferred from phonetic facts alone, contra Ohala and Kawasaki-Fukumori (1997), Steriade (1999), Scheer (2002), and others. The Armenian facts furthermore indicate that attempts to abandon underlying representations (Flemming 1995, Burzio 1996) are misguided and that we must also retreat from the excessively abstract under specification approaches advocated by most phonologists.


Speech Timing ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 64-101
Author(s):  
Alice Turk ◽  
Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel

This chapter presents evidence that challenges models in which phonological representations are temporal in nature, and where timing mechanisms are phonology-specific and intrinsic to the phonology. For example, evidence for separate representations of 1) movement targets vs. other parts of movement, and 2) spatial vs. temporal aspects, is difficult to account for in phonology-intrinsic timing approaches, where all parts of movement are determined by the same, spatiotemporal phonological representation. In the AP/TD phonology-intrinsic-timing approach, surface time is not represented, specified, or tracked, but instead emerges from the phonological system. Evidence that speakers do in fact represent surface time motivates the consideration of a phonology-extrinsic-timing-based approach. This evidence comes from actors’ interactions with perceived events, and also from speech: 1) constraints on the amounts of structure-related lengthening to maintain phonological length contrasts in quantity languages, and 2) different articulatory strategies for producing a given duration pattern. Finally, evidence for general-purpose timekeeping mechanisms in speech and non-speech movements is discussed.


Author(s):  
Sandra Kotzor ◽  
Allison Wetterlin ◽  
Aditi Lahiri

Bengali has a robust medial geminate/singleton contrast across oral stops and nasals in five places of articulation. This chapter presents a synchronic account of the phonological system involving the consonantal length contrast, which supports an asymmetric moraic representation of geminates. Based on these representational assumptions, two EEG and two behavioural experiments were conducted to investigate the processing of this geminate/singleton contrast by Bengali native speakers. The results reveal a processing asymmetry for the duration contrast: the processing of the duration contrast is indeed asymmetric: a geminate mispronunciation is accepted for a singleton real word, while the reverse is not the case. This provides evidence that the lexical representation of the duration contrast must be asymmetric and thus privative rather than equipollent.


2017 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 654-667 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark R. van den Bunt ◽  
Margriet A. Groen ◽  
Takayuki Ito ◽  
Ana A. Francisco ◽  
Vincent L. Gracco ◽  
...  

Purpose The purpose of this study was to examine whether developmental dyslexia (DD) is characterized by deficiencies in speech sensory and motor feedforward and feedback mechanisms, which are involved in the modulation of phonological representations. Method A total of 42 adult native speakers of Dutch (22 adults with DD; 20 participants who were typically reading controls) were asked to produce /bep/ while the first formant (F1) of the /e/ was not altered (baseline), increased (ramp), held at maximal perturbation (hold), and not altered again (after-effect). The F1 of the produced utterance was measured for each trial and used for statistical analyses. The measured F1s produced during each phase were entered in a linear mixed-effects model. Results Participants with DD adapted more strongly during the ramp phase and returned to baseline to a lesser extent when feedback was back to normal (after-effect phase) when compared with the typically reading group. In this study, a faster deviation from baseline during the ramp phase, a stronger adaptation response during the hold phase, and a slower return to baseline during the after-effect phase were associated with poorer reading and phonological abilities. Conclusion The data of the current study are consistent with the notion that the phonological deficit in DD is associated with a weaker sensorimotor magnet for phonological representations.


1966 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert L. Cheng

This paper attempts to present the Mandarin phonological system after the generative fashion.1 We find it convenient to treat this part of the grammar in two components: namely, a syllable grammar and morphophonemics. The former attempts to designate the structure of the basic syllables independently of the syntactic component of the grammar. It consists of a set of P-rules to generate strings of phonemes for the basic syllables. The latter operates on sequences of these syllables with intrasyllabic information designated by the syllable grammar, and with category and intersyllabic information which can be given by the syntactic component. It consists of T-rules and gives a phonetic representation of sentences as its output.


Author(s):  
Sónia Frota ◽  
Marina Vigário

The syntax–phonology interface refers to the way syntax and phonology are interconnected. Although syntax and phonology constitute different language domains, it seems undisputed that they relate to each other in nontrivial ways. There are different theories about the syntax–phonology interface. They differ in how far each domain is seen as relevant to generalizations in the other domain, and in the types of information from each domain that are available to the other. Some theories see the interface as unlimited in the direction and types of syntax–phonology connections, with syntax impacting on phonology and phonology impacting on syntax. Other theories constrain mutual interaction to a set of specific syntactic phenomena (i.e., discourse-related) that may be influenced by a limited set of phonological phenomena (namely, heaviness and rhythm). In most theories, there is an asymmetrical relationship: specific types of syntactic information are available to phonology, whereas syntax is phonology-free. The role that syntax plays in phonology, as well as the types of syntactic information that are relevant to phonology, is also a matter of debate. At one extreme, Direct Reference Theories claim that phonological phenomena, such as external sandhi processes, refer directly to syntactic information. However, approaches arguing for a direct influence of syntax differ on the types of syntactic information needed to account for phonological phenomena, from syntactic heads and structural configurations (like c-command and government) to feature checking relationships and phase units. The precise syntactic information that is relevant to phonology may depend on (the particular version of) the theory of syntax assumed to account for syntax–phonology mapping. At the other extreme, Prosodic Hierarchy Theories propose that syntactic and phonological representations are fundamentally distinct and that the output of the syntax–phonology interface is prosodic structure. Under this view, phonological phenomena refer to the phonological domains defined in prosodic structure. The structure of phonological domains is built from the interaction of a limited set of syntactic information with phonological principles related to constituent size, weight, and eurhythmic effects, among others. The kind of syntactic information used in the computation of prosodic structure distinguishes between different Prosodic Hierarchy Theories: the relation-based approach makes reference to notions like head-complement, modifier-head relations, and syntactic branching, while the end-based approach focuses on edges of syntactic heads and maximal projections. Common to both approaches is the distinction between lexical and functional categories, with the latter being invisible to the syntax–phonology mapping. Besides accounting for external sandhi phenomena, prosodic structure interacts with other phonological representations, such as metrical structure and intonational structure. As shown by the theoretical diversity, the study of the syntax–phonology interface raises many fundamental questions. A systematic comparison among proposals with reference to empirical evidence is lacking. In addition, findings from language acquisition and development and language processing constitute novel sources of evidence that need to be taken into account. The syntax–phonology interface thus remains a challenging research field in the years to come.


1987 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 118-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allan R. James

This article discusses the acquisition of the prosodic characteristics of a second language in the light of the development of a target language phonological grammar. Prosodic characteristics are conventionally taken to refer to the intonation and accent patterns in a phonological system. However, nonlinear theories of phonology view the pitch and stress values of a language as defining a separate representation or component in a phonological grammar, i.e. the prosodic structure. A 'metrical' type model of prosodic structure is presented, in which the structural layers of a phonological hierarchy are characterized by the occurrence of particular contrastive (paradigmatic) features and particular phonetic (syntagmatic) effects at each unit-level. The course of acquisition of the prosodic structure of a second language is then shown to be describable in terms of the gradual development of target language values per unit-level of the hierarchy. Data from the L2 English of two L 1 Dutch speakers are examined by way of illustrating some of the claims of the model.


Phonology ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jo-wang Lin

The study of the relation between syntactic structure and phonological representation has attracted the attention of many phonologists in the past few years. One important contribution to this field of study is Chen's (1987) work on Xiamen Chinese tone sandhi domains. He suggests that the syntax–phonology relation appeals to syntactic information such as category types and the edges of syntactic bracketings. This insight has been further elaborated in the general theory of the syntax—phonology relation of Selkirk (1986). In this theory, the relation between syntactic structure and prosodic structure above the foot and below the intonational phrase is defined in terms of the edges of syntactic constituents of designated types. More precisely, this theory incorporates two hypotheses. One is that there are designated category types in syntactic structure with respect to which one end (Right or Left) of the designated category is relevant in the formulation of a prosodic constituent C, which extends from one instance of the appropriate end (R/L) of the designated category to the next. This hypothesis has been called the End Parameter.


1994 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan E. Kohn ◽  
Katherine L. Smith

ABSTRACTTwo aphasics with a similar level of phonological production difficulty are compared to distinguish the properties of disruption to two stages in the phonological system for producing single words: activation of stored lexical-phonological representations versus construction of phonemic representations. A set of distinguishing behavioral features for breakdown at each stage is generated on the basis of a model of single word production. Important variables for analyzing output include: (a) the unit of phonological encoding (morpheme versus syllable), (b) the phonemic relationship between targets and responses, (c) the effects of target consonant-vowel (CV) structure, and (d) the level of pseudoword production. On a set of production tests, the expected behavioral pattern for impaired lexical-phonological activation was displayed by LW, while the expected behavioral pattern for impaired phonemic planning was displayed by CM.


1985 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-222
Author(s):  
Ernst-August Gutt

The replacement of the familiar linear phonological representations of the SPE-type by the multi-tiered configurations proposed in autosegmental phonology has enriched the theoretical apparatus available to the linguist and has opened the way for a better understanding of the workings of phonology. One particular strength of this theory is that it predicts the existence of distinct subsystems within a phonological system and offers a principled account of their interactions. Applied to the aspectual inflection of Silt'i verbs, the multi-tiered approach proves its potential by accommodating two distinct subsystems of inflection, viz. CV-pattern inflection and ablaut inflection, in a unified, principled description. From a more , general point of view, this paper sketches one possible way of integrating syllable theory as a distinct subsystem into an autosegmental system of phonology.


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