The European Syndicalists and War, 1914–1918

2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wayne Thorpe

This article argues that syndicalist trade union organizations, viewed internationally, were unique in First World War Europe in not supporting the war efforts or defensive efforts of their respective governments. The support for the war of the important French organisation has obscured the fact that the remaining five national syndicalist organisations – in belligerent Germany and Italy, and in neutral Spain, Sweden and the Netherlands – remained faithful to their professed workers' internationalism. The article argues that forces tending to integrate the labour movement in pre-1914 Europe had less effect on syndicalists than on other trade unions, and that syndicalist resistance to both integration and war in the non-Gallic countries was also influenced by their rivalry with social-democratic organisations.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (5) ◽  
pp. 87-101
Author(s):  
Denis Bećirović ◽  

Based on archival material and relevant literature, this text analyses and presents the activities of the labour movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the first years after the end of the First World War. During this period, the struggle for workers'rights, mostly through strike actions, resulted, among other things, in an increase in wages, the introduction of eight-hour working days in most companies, the exercise of the right to elect workers' commissioners and trade unions. The workers managed to get other benefits related to the economic position of the workers, such as retail co-operatives, apartments, assistance in purchasing work suits, etc. Workers' representatives fought for a radically better position and a new place in society. In addition to eight-hour working days, higher wages and other demands to improve the material position of workers, strikes against the political disenfranchisement of workers were conducted during this period, as well as for political freedoms and democratisation of political life in the country. During 1919 and 1920, several strikes about pay were organised by miners, construction workers and metalworkers in the forest industry, catering workers and employees in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Bijeljina, Brčko, Zenica, Breza, Mostar, Zavidovići, Dobrljin, Lješljani, Maslovarama and Rogatica. It was part of over 125 strikes by workers in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the period of legal activity of the Socialist Labour Party of Yugoslavia (SLPY) (c), i.e. the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) and its close trade unions. At the initiative of the SLPY (c) and united syndicates, public political assemblies were organised in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Zenica, Mostar, Brčko, Derventa, Vareš and Drvar, at which demands were put forward to dissolve the authorities, and organise democratic elections for the Constituent Assembly and demobilise the army. The aggravation of the political situation in the first post-war years was noticeable in many local communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a number of cities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, there were physical confrontations between workers and security bodies of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. One such example occurred, in Zenica in mid-October 1920, when police banned the Communists' attempt to hold an assembly despite a previously imposed ban. On that occasion, the gathered mass of 2,500 workers refused to disperse and demanded that the assembly be held. After the police and the gendarmerie tried to disperse the gathered workers, there was open conflict. Workers threw stones at security officials, and they responded by firing firearms. The rally was eventually broken up, one worker was wounded and twelve workers were hurt during a clash with police. Owing to the increasing engagement of workers' representatives, the political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina worsened. It was not uncommon to have open conflicts between workers and government officials. After the collapse of the Husino uprising, the position of workers deteriorated. Also, this paper discusses the impact of the revolutions in Eastern and Central Europe on the labour movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina.


1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 677-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Dare

In the years between the end of the First World War and the end of the Second, the estimate outside Britain of the status of intellectuals in the British Labour movement grew to prodigal dimensions.


1981 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 377-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Jeffery

Systematic military policy-making towards internal security in Great Britain dates from the period immediately following the First World War. It was stimulated above all by widespread fears of possible revolution, sharpened by a belief in the collective incapacity of police forces to deal with civil disorder. Many, although by no means all, politicians and senior officials felt that the labour militancy of the 1920s was simply the harbinger of ‘red’ revolt, and preparations were made accordingly. Following the trade unions’ defeat in the general strike of 1926 fears of revolution subsided, although the War Office continued to revise the plans it had made in the early 1920s. Throughout the entire inter-war period, nevertheless, the general staff displayed an extreme reluctance to commit the army to internal security duties. Almost without exception, it seems, military men shared Lord Ironside’s opinion that ‘for a soldier there is no more distasteful duty than that of aiding the Civil Power’.


2020 ◽  
pp. 131-148
Author(s):  
Maarten J. Aalders

This article dives into a part of the life and personal history of J.P.Ph. Clinge Fledderus (1870-1946), consul of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, who played a crucial role in organizing relief for Hungary in the Interbellum and the organization of the possibilities for Hungarian children to recover from the effects of post-war famine and malaise after the First World War by giving them a holiday of some months in the Netherlands. A commemorative marble plaque for him still can be found on the front of the building at the Üllői út 4 in Budapest.


2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-256
Author(s):  
Bruno Yammine

Voor het voeren van zijn Flamenpolitik tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog, deed het Duitse Rijk beroep op een omvangrijke propaganda. Daarmee wilde het de Vlaamsgezinden er onder andere van overtuigen dat er in het buitenland een anti-Vlaamse hetze woedde. In vrijwel de hele literatuur over Flamenpolitik en activisme werd (en wordt) het aangenomen dat de wallingant Buisset, een liberale volksvertegenwoordiger uit Henegouwen, al bij de eerste gouverneur-generaal was gaan aandringen op de afschaffing van het Nederlands. Nader onderzoek leert ons echter dat het verhaal over Buisset op een Duitse propagandafabel berust, ons vooral overgeleverd via een bewuste Hineinterpretierung van oud-activist A.L. Faingnaert. Het verhaal moet ook in samenhang gezien worden met de propaganda van de Duitse stromannen in Nederland die medio 1915 de Flamenpolitik een versnelling hoger deden schakelen.________“The Walloons tried to convince us hundreds of times that there were no more Flemings left …” The story about Buisset and the German propaganda (1914-1915)During the First World War, the German Empire called upon an extensive propaganda for the propagation of its Flamenpolitik. In this way, it tried to convince the Pro-Flemish among other things of the existence of an anti-Flemish witch-hunt abroad. Practically the entire literature about the Flamenpolitik and activism assumed (and still assumes) that the wallingant Buisset, a liberal Member of Parliament from Hainault, had already approached the first governor-general to urge the abolishment of the Dutch language. However, further research indicates that the story about Buisset is based on German propaganda fiction, and has in particular been handed down by an intentional Hineinterpretierung by former activist A.L. Faingnaert. The story also needs to be viewed in context with the propaganda of the German front men in the Netherlands who cranked up the Flamenpolitik around the middle of 1915.


Author(s):  
Ruth Ginio ◽  
Jennifer Sessions

The French presence in Africa dates to the 17th century, but the main period of colonial expansion came in the 19th century with the invasion of Ottoman Algiers in 1830, conquests in West and Equatorial Africa during the so-called scramble for Africa and the establishment of protectorates in Tunisia and Morocco in the decades before the First World War. To these were added parts of German Togo and Cameroon, assigned to France as League of Nations mandates after the war. By 1930, French colonial Africa encompassed the vast confederations of French West Africa (AOF, f. 1895) and French Equatorial Africa (AEF, f. 1905), the western Maghreb, the Indian Ocean islands of Madagascar, Réunion, and the Comoros, and Djibouti in the Horn of Africa. Within this African empire, territories in sub-Saharan Africa were treated primarily as colonies of exploitation, while a settler colonial model guided colonization efforts in the Maghreb, although only Algeria drew many European immigrants. Throughout Africa, French rule was characterized by sharp contradictions between a rhetorical commitment to the “civilization” of indigenous people through cultural, political, and economic reform, and the harsh realities of violent conquest, economic exploitation, legal inequality, and sociocultural disruption. At the same time, French domination was never as complete as the solid blue swathes on maps of “Greater France” would suggest. As in all empires, colonized people throughout French Africa developed strategies to resist or evade French authority, subvert or co-opt the so-called civilizing mission, and cope with the upheavals of occupation. After the First World War, new and more organized forms of contestation emerged, as Western-educated reformers, nationalists, and trade unions pressed by a variety of means for a more equitable distribution of political and administrative power. Frustrated in the interwar period, these demands for change spurred the process of decolonization after the Second World War. Efforts by French authorities and some African leaders to replace imperial rule with a federal organization failed, and following a 1958 constitutional referendum, almost all French territories in sub-Saharan Africa claimed their independence. In North Africa, Tunisian and Moroccan nationalists were able to force the French to negotiate independence in the 1950s, but decolonization in Algeria, with its million European settlers, came only after a protracted and brutal war (1954–1962) that left deep scars in both postcolonial states. Although formal French rule in Africa had ended by 1962, the ties it forged continue to shape relations between France and its former colonial territories throughout the continent.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-82
Author(s):  
Bernard Degen ◽  
Christian Koller

Zusammenfassung Switzerland was spared direct involvement into the First World War, nevertheless the global conflict had tremendous political and economic impact on the neutral republic. Major antagonisms emerged between the different linguistic groups sympathising with opposing belligerent coalitions as well as between different social strata. Food and fuel shortages and wartime inflation as well as a lack of integration of the labour movement into the political system and its partial shift to the left resulted in a wave of strikes and protest in the second half of the war that continued into the first two post-war years. Its culmination was a national general strike in November 1918 lasting for three days upon the war’s conclusion, and that in bourgeois circles was wrongly considered an attempted revolution. Whilst this is considered the most severe crisis in modern Swiss history, from a transnational perspective, it was no more than a relatively mild variation of the worldwide upheavals going on at the time.


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