Will the Rise of China Transform the International System?

In this article, the rise of China is discussed in the light of economic and military data, and what the challenge from China means for the global leadership of the U.S. is analyzed. Changes in the indicators of the U.S. and China’s economic and military power over the last 30-40 years are examined and an answer is sought for the following question: What will the consequences of China’s rise be in terms of the international political system? To answer this question, similar ‘rise and challenge’ precedents are discussed to contextualize and analyze and the present challenge China poses. This article concludes that while improving its global status, China has been taking the previous cases’ failed challenges into consideration. China, which does not want to repeat the mistakes made by Germany and the Soviet Union, is hesitant to pursue an aggressive military policy and tries to limit its rivalry with the U.S. in the economic area. While Chinese policy of avoiding direct conflict and focusing on economic development has made it the biggest economic rival of the U.S, the rise of China initiates the discussions about the end of the U.S. and West-led international system.

Organizational and legal framework of strengthening state capacities in the field of cyber defense

The issue of providing cyber defense has been detailed. Domestic strategic documents on cyber security and cyber defense are considered. The principles of implementation of the state military policy for the purpose of development of cyber defense potential are fixed. Prospects for the formation of cyber troops in Ukraine are outlined. NATO's approach to the concept and features of cyber defense is revealed. The Turkish experience of providing state cyber defense is highlighted. The prospects of improving the cyber defense potential of our country are identified, taking into account the effective achievements of foreign experience.

Posted to Germany: Early Cold War Canadian Military Policy and Its Impact on One Family’s Experience

In the summer of 1954, military surgeon Major Robert Elliott was posted to the British Military Hospital in Iserlohn, Germany, to provide medical care to Canadian soldiers, members of the 5,500-strong Canadian Brigade that had earlier been stationed there as part of Canada’s commitment to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Like many other military families, Elliott’s family had to remain behind until suitable accommodation for them could be found. Based on the letters that Elliott wrote home to his wife during their eight-month separation, this article provides a glimpse of how both old and new Canadian military policies during the early Cold War period had an impact on his work and his family. The Canadian government’s decision to place the Brigade under British control reflected, in part, the long-standing attachment to Britain, but Elliott was often frustrated with how imperial/colonial relations played out in the hospital setting. And the military’s initial reluctance to officially allow dependents to join their loved ones overseas, a new phenomenon in Canadian military life, undoubtedly contributed to his confusion and anxiety over when family quarters would finally be finished.

A National Army Under the Red Banner? The Mobilisation of the Hungarian Red Army in 1919

This paper investigates the mobilisation of the Hungarian Red Army in 1919 by the short-lived Hungarian Soviet Republic. It challenges the literature's existing interpretations, explaining the successful mobilisation of the regime with its ‘nationalist’ or ‘Bolshevik’ character. First, the paper examines the military policy of the regime, arguing that it was not a mere copy of the Russian communist model but was a unique combination of social-democratic and communist ideas. Second, it analyses the recruitment propaganda and demonstrates how it combined dogmatic Bolshevism with traditional elements of the wartime propaganda. Third, it investigates the methods used by the Hungarian Soviet Republic to mobilise the population both in Budapest and in the rural eastern countryside. It argues that the mobilisation was possible through the involvement of civil associations (mostly the trade unions) and the incorporation of the former Habsburg regiments in the new Red Army.

The United Kingdom against Russia’s attempts to maintain the zones of influence on the example of the Ukrainian crisis

The subject of the paper are the United Kingdom’s actions against Russia's attempts to maintain its zones of influence, based on the example of the Ukrainian crisis. The introduction consists of a synthetic outline of the geopolitical rivalry between Russia and Great Britain. The next section discusses the attitude of the United Kingdom towards Russia’s attempts to maintain its zones of influence in the 21st century. The main section of the paper focuses on the United Kingdom’s actions against Russia’s military policy in Ukraine. The main thesis of the paper assumes that during the Ukrainian crisis, the UK has taken the most far-reaching measures so far to oppose Russia’s attempts to maintain zones of influence. The consequence of this is a significant deterioration in Russian-British relations due to the Ukrainian crisis. The leading paradigm is structural realism. The method of text source analysis was used in the paper.

Separate Segregations

Chapter 4 examines how the World War II–era military sometimes created descent-specific outfits other than “Negro” ones. At one time or another the army had a lengthy list of such units—made up of people of Austrian, Chinese, Filipino, Greek, Japanese, Mexican, Norwegian, Puerto Rican, and Native American ancestry. This nonblack troop segregation of sorts varied over time and according to numerous factors, including descent or “race,” location of induction, timing of induction, gender, and even foreign-language ability. How and which ancestries mattered most hinged on everything from the particulars of the war to long-standing military policy. Of all nonblacks, Japanese Americans faced the most extensive segregation during the war, but they fought it tenaciously, becoming increasingly integrated by war’s end.

Security and Military Relevancies of Digitisation, Globalisation and Cyberspace

The goal of this study is to explore security threats and challenges of digitisation. Digitisation as one of the key technological factors has a significant impact on the development of today’s modern world. Beyond general security circumstances, this impact touches upon economic, financial, social, technological, medical, educational, defence and military issues, as well all over the world.The argument of this study is that the modernisation of defence systems is an essential key to successfully responding to new security challenges in our digital explosion era. Therefore, it is a must that government organisations, including defence and military systems fundamentally upgrade their own technical, structural and operational capabilities and accept digitisation as the driving factor of future defence and military development.In light of the above, the study first examines digitisation as a global security challenge and then presents a comparative analysis of the relationship between hybrid warfare and cybersecurity. Finally, before drawing conclusions, it takes stock of the military policy relevance of the cybersecurity challenges relevant to Hungary.Overall, it can be stated that digitisation and digital transformation are present all over the world as a result of globalisation. Developed nations, including Hungary must be connected to digitisation and by digitisation to each other’s various systems and technologies. This system has to be integrated, but independent at the same time, as well as connected but separable in order to be able to be involved in the whole cyberspace and get the benefits of it or get separated from it to defend threats or direct attacks coming from the outside. The Hungarian Defence Forces has a key role in this very important process.

Clausewitz, Die Politik, and the Political Purpose of Strategy

Clausewitz’s writings stand in two traditions. On the one hand, with his own very narrow definition of strategy, “Strategy is the use of the [military] engagement for the purpose of the war,” he continued a tradition that goes back to Paul-Gédéon Joly de Maizeroy and beyond him to Byzantine Emperor Leo VI. It is not least because of Clausewitz’s espousal of this tradition that this narrow definition still dominated Soviet thinking. On the other hand, Clausewitz stood in a new tradition reflecting on the relationship between a political purpose of the war itself. This goes back to Guibert, Kant, Rühle von Lilienstern but also a long-forgotten anonymous work probably written by Zanthier. This dwelt on the bureaucratic process of strategy-making in the interface between (politically dominated) foreign policy and (hardware- and means-dominated) military policy. It is ultimately to the latter tradition that we owe his reflections on the domination of political considerations captured in his famous line about war being the continuation of politics by other means. This in turn is the foundation on which most other reflections on grand strategy have been built.

Biden Administration Relies on Constitutional Authority and Unwilling or Unable Theory of Self-Defense for Airstrikes in Syria

On February 25, 2021, the United States conducted a strike targeting Iranian-backed militia group facilities in Syria. The strike, which came in response to a February 15, 2021 attack on U.S. interests in Iraq, marked the Biden administration's first known exercise of executive war powers. As domestic authority for the strike, President Joseph Biden, Jr. cited his authority under Article II of the U.S. Constitution and did not rely on the 2001 or 2002 Authorizations for the Use of Military Force (AUMFs). For international legal authority, Biden relied on individual self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter, stating that Syria was “unwilling or unable” to prevent further attacks on the United States by these non-state actors within its territory. The strikes garnered mixed reactions from Congress, where efforts are underway to repeal or reform extant AUMFs as well as the War Powers Resolution (WPR). The Biden administration is also undertaking a review of current U.S. military policy on the use of force, and during this process, it has prohibited drone strikes outside of conventional battlefields, absent presidential approval.

The Language of War

This chapter provides an account of how Peninsular War memoir-writers depicted being a soldier in the early nineteenth century. It considers both positive and negative representations of the experience of war, covering themes such as daily life on campaign, comradeship, ideas of martial masculinity, the role of women, and descriptions of violence both on and off the battlefield. In doing so, it highlights the ways in which Napoleonic veterans innovated on previous war writing and contradicted broader, patriotic narratives of the conflict. In the last part of the chapter, the concept of the veteran as active, politicised author is introduced, with examples of soldiers who used their published memoirs to change or challenge national military policy.