scholarly journals Curating Tempelhof: negotiating the multiple histories of Berlin's ‘symbol of freedom’

Urban History ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 698-717 ◽  
Author(s):  
CLARE COPLEY

ABSTRACT:Despite its National Socialist origins, the post-war use of Berlin's Tempelhof Airport has seen it recast as a ‘symbol of freedom’. Since the airport's 2008 closure, the site has been caught between calls for increased engagement with its use under the Third Reich and economic incentives to repackage it as an attractive events location. Through analysing the different strategies through which Tempelhof's past is negotiated, this article will highlight the contested nature of Berlin's relationship with the past and the complex interaction between memory politics and more pragmatic issues.

Author(s):  
Steven Michael Press

In recognizing more than just hyperbole in their critical studies of National Socialist language, post-war philologists Viktor Klemperer (1946) and Eugen Seidel (1961) credit persuasive words and syntax with the expansion of Hitler's ideology among the German people. This popular explanation is being revisited by contemporary philologists, however, as new historical argument holds the functioning of the Third Reich to be anything but monolithic. An emerging scholarly consensus on the presence of more chaos than coherence in Nazi discourse suggests a new imperative for research. After reviewing the foundational works of Mein Kampf (1925) and Myth of the Twentieth Century (1930), the author confirms Klemperer and Seidel’s claim for linguistic manipulation in the rise of the National Socialist Party. Most importantly, this article provides a detailed explanation of how party leaders employed rhetorical language to promote fascist ideology without an underlying basis of logical argumentation.


1942 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 379-408
Author(s):  
Waldemar Gurian

Are the Germans really behind the Nazi Government? Despite— or because of?—the steadily rising flood of books dealing with the Third Reich this question is answered in most different ways. There is no agreement concerning the relations between the German people and the National Socialist regime. But one's attitude towards the conduct of the war and the post-war problems is, to a large extent, determined by the opinion that one holds about these relations. Therefore, some remarks about the different answers which are given to the question: What are the sources of Hitler's power in Germany? may be of general interest.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-36
Author(s):  
Mikkel Dack

As part of the post-war denazification campaign, as many as 20 million Germans were screened for employment by Allied armies. Applicants were ordered to fill out political questionnaires (Fragebögen) and allowed to justify their membership in Nazi organizations in appended statements. This mandatory act of self-reflection has led to the accumulation of a massive archival repository, likely the largest collection of autobiographical writings about the Third Reich. This article interprets individual and family stories recorded in denazification documents and provides insight into how Germans chose to remember and internalize the National Socialist years. The Fragebögen allowed and even encouraged millions of respondents to rewrite their personal histories and to construct whitewashed identities and accompanying narratives to secure employment. Germans embraced the unique opportunity to cast themselves as resisters and victims of the Nazi regime. These identities remained with them after the dissolution of the denazification project and were carried forward into the post-occupation period.


2007 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 395-415
Author(s):  
Reinhard Markner

AbstractAmong the many publishing ventures of the “Reichsinstitut für die Geschichte des neuen Deutschlands,” the journal Forschungen zur Judenfrage (1936–1944) has gained most notoriety. In its nine volumes, various aspects of the “Jewish question,” ranging from the Jews in antiquity to Albert Einstein's theory of relativity, were dealt with from a strictly National Socialist point of view. The ambitious project proved to be a failure even before the Third Reich collapsed. While some of the journal's contributors managed to pursue their academic careers in post-war West Germany, its founder, Walter Frank, committed suicide in 1945.


2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 193-213
Author(s):  
Christoph Wehner

Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag skizziert die institutionelle Entwicklung der Landesversicherungsanstalten (LVAen) Baden und Württemberg im „Dritten Reich“ und stellt die Einbindung der beiden Versicherungsträger in die nationalsozialistische Renten- und Gesundheitspolitik dar. Zentrale Untersuchungsaspekte bilden die personellen Umbrüche im Zuge der nationalsozialistischen Machteroberung, die Ausschaltung der Selbstverwaltung und die Etablierung des „Führerprinzips“, der Wandel der institutionellen Leistungspolitik vor dem Hintergrund sich verändernder gesundheitspolitischer Rahmenbedingungen und Zielsetzungen sowie das Verwaltungshandeln der Versicherungsanstalten im Rahmen der NS-Rentenpolitik, insbesondere in Hinsicht auf den Ausschluss und die Diskriminierung von „Staatsfeinden“ und Juden. In einem abschließenden Kapitel wird auf die unmittelbare Nachkriegsentwicklung und die Reorganisation der demokratischen Selbstverwaltung in Baden und Württemberg eingegangen. Wesentliche Teile dieses Beitrages basieren auf der zum Teil erstmaligen Auswertung von Archivbeständen aus dem Badischen Generallandesarchiv in Karlsruhe (GLAK), dem Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart (HStAS), dem Haus der Geschichte Baden-Württembergs sowie dem Bundesarchiv (BArch). Abstract Institutional History of the Landesversicherungsanstalten (LVAen) Baden and Württemberg in the „Third Reich“ The article outlines the institutional history of the Landesversicherungsanstalten (LVAen) Baden and Württemberg in the “Third Reich” which is embedded in the shifting goals of national socialist pension- and health policy. Key aspects are the personnel policy changes during the “Machtergreifung”, the elimination of the principle of “Selbstverwaltung” and the implementation of the “Führerprinzip”, the change of institutional policies considering the shifting premises and goals in national socialist health policy and the role of the LVAen in the pension policy of the regime, especially regarding the exclusion and discrimination of “Staatsfeinden” and Jews. In a final chapter, the article gives an outlook on post-war developments and the reorganization of the democratic “Selbstverwaltung” in Baden and Württemberg. Large parts of this article are based on the – partial first time – evaluation of collections of records of the Badisches Generallandesarchiv Karlsruhe (GLAK), the Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart (HStAS), the Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart (HStAS), the Haus der Geschichte Baden-Württemberg and the Bundesarchiv (BArch).


2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-213
Author(s):  
Christoph Wehner

Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag skizziert die institutionelle Entwicklung der Landesversicherungsanstalten (LVAen) Baden und Württemberg im „Dritten Reich“ und stellt die Einbindung der beiden Versicherungsträger in die nationalsozialistische Renten- und Gesundheitspolitik dar. Zentrale Untersuchungsaspekte bilden die personellen Umbrüche im Zuge der nationalsozialistischen Machteroberung, die Ausschaltung der Selbstverwaltung und die Etablierung des „Führerprinzips“, der Wandel der institutionellen Leistungspolitik vor dem Hintergrund sich verändernder gesundheitspolitischer Rahmenbedingungen und Zielsetzungen sowie das Verwaltungshandeln der Versicherungsanstalten im Rahmen der NS-Rentenpolitik, insbesondere in Hinsicht auf den Ausschluss und die Diskriminierung von „Staatsfeinden“ und Juden. In einem abschließenden Kapitel wird auf die unmittelbare Nachkriegsentwicklung und die Reorganisation der demokratischen Selbstverwaltung in Baden und Württemberg eingegangen. Wesentliche Teile dieses Beitrages basieren auf der zum Teil erstmaligen Auswertung von Archivbeständen aus dem Badischen Generallandesarchiv in Karlsruhe (GLAK), dem Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart (HStAS), dem Haus der Geschichte Baden-Württembergs sowie dem Bundesarchiv (BArch). Abstract Institutional History of the Landesversicherungsanstalten (LVAen) Baden and Württemberg in the „Third Reich“ The article outlines the institutional history of the Landesversicherungsanstalten (LVAen) Baden and Württemberg in the “Third Reich” which is embedded in the shifting goals of national socialist pension- and health policy. Key aspects are the personnel policy changes during the “Machtergreifung”, the elimination of the principle of “Selbstverwaltung” and the implementation of the “Führerprinzip”, the change of institutional policies considering the shifting premises and goals in national socialist health policy and the role of the LVAen in the pension policy of the regime, especially regarding the exclusion and discrimination of “Staatsfeinden” and Jews. In a final chapter, the article gives an outlook on post-war developments and the reorganization of the democratic “Selbstverwaltung” in Baden and Württemberg. Large parts of this article are based on the – partial first time – evaluation of collections of records of the Badisches Generallandesarchiv Karlsruhe (GLAK), the Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart (HStAS), the Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart (HStAS), the Haus der Geschichte Baden-Württemberg and the Bundesarchiv (BArch).


1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 407-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael H. Kater

While in recent years a great deal has been written to clarify Germany's medical past, the picture is not yet complete in several important respects. In the realm of the sociology of medicine, for example, we still do not know enough about physicianpatient relationships from, say, the founding of the Second Empire to the present. On the assumption, based on the meager evidence available, that this relationship had an authoritarian structure from the physician on downward, did it have anything to do with the shape of German medicine in the Weimar Republic and, later, the Third Reich? Another relative unknown is the role of Jews in the development of medicine as a profession in Germany. Surely volumes could be written on the significant influence Jews have exerted on medicine in its post-Wilhelmian stages, as well as the irreversible victim status Jewish doctors were forced to assume after Hitler's ascension to power


Author(s):  
Nitzan Shoshan

Abstract This article examines whether and how the figure of Adolf Hitler in particular, and National Socialism more generally, operate as moral exemplars in today’s Germany. In conversation with similar studies about Mosely in England, Franco in Spain, and Mussolini in Italy, it seeks to advance our comparative understanding of neofascism in Europe and beyond. In Germany, legal and discursive constraints limit what can be said about the Third Reich period, while even far-right nationalists often condemn Hitler, for either the Holocaust or his military failure. Here I revise the concept of moral exemplarity as elaborated by Caroline Humphry to argue that Hitler and National Socialism do nevertheless work as contemporary exemplars, in at least three fashions: negativity, substitution, and extension. First, they stand as the most extreme markers of negative exemplarity for broad publics that understand them as illustrations of absolute moral depravity. Second, while Hitler himself is widely unpopular, Führer-substitutes such as Rudolf Hess provide alternative figures that German nationalists admire and seek to emulate. Finally, by extension to the realm of the ordinary, National Socialism introduces a cast of exemplars in the figures of loving grandfathers or anonymous fallen soldiers. The moral values for which they stand, I show, appear to be particularly significant for young nationalists. An extended, more open-ended notion of exemplarity, I conclude, can offer important insights about the lingering afterlife of fascist figures in the moral life of European nationalists today.


1996 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Alexander Williams

In the early 1930s, Dr. Konrad Guenther, a longtime advocate of nature conservation, was exhorting the German people to return to “the soil of the homeland.” In the past, according to Guenther, whenever the German people had been forced to respond vigorously to the pressure of hard times, they had returned to their “natural” roots. He called on the population to learn about the Heimat (homeland) and its natural environment, ‘not only through reason alone, but with the entire soul and personality; for the chords of the German soul are tuned to nature. Let us allow nature to speak, and let us be happy to be German!” The stakes were high, for if the German people failed in this way to unite into a strong, “natural” community, they would become “cultural fertilizer for other nations.” Following the fall of the Weimar Republic and the Nazi seizure of power in 1933, Guenther became one of the most vocal exponents of the notion that conserving nature would aid in the cultural unification and “racial cleansing” of Germany. Indeed, Guenther and his fellow conservationists saw their longstanding dream of a nationwide conservation law at last fulfilled under the Third Reich. The 1935 Reich Conservation Law guaranteed state protection of “the nature of the Heimat in all its manifestations”—if necessary through police measures.


Author(s):  
Eric Kurlander

This chapter illustrates how the National Socialist Workers' Party (NSDAP) appropriated supernatural ideas in order to appeal to ordinary Germans, enlisting the help of occultists and horror writers in shaping propaganda and political campaigning. By exploiting the supernatural imaginary, Hitler tied his political mission into something out of the Book of Revelation, as one ‘divinely chosen’ to create the Third Reich. The chapter then looks at three case studies. The first assesses Hitler's approach to politics through his reading of Ernst Schertel's 1923 occult treatise, Magic: History, Theory, Practice. The second considers the NSDAP's propaganda collaboration with the horror writer, Hanns Heinz Ewers. The third delves into the relationship between the NSDAP and Weimar's most popular ‘magician’, Erik Hanussen. In coopting Schertel's magic, enlisting Ewers, and forming an alliance with Hanussen, the Nazis diverted the masses from objective reality and toward the coming Third Reich.


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