Mussolini and the Origins of the Second World War 1933–1940 Robert Mallett Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2003, ISBN 0 3337 4815 8 (pbk), 280 pp., £16.99 - Italian Fascism 1915–1945 Philip Morgan Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2004, ISBN 0 3339 4998 6 (pbk), 280 pp., £17.50

Modern Italy ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 246-248
Author(s):  
Saverio Battente
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Italian Fascism ◽  
Second World

Between Rosas and Sarmiento: Notes on Nationalism in Peronist Thought

1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-332
Author(s):  
Colin M. Winston
Keyword(s):  
Body Politic ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The Body ◽  
World War ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
Lower Middle Class ◽  
Italian Fascism ◽  
Instant Replay ◽  
Historical Phenomenon ◽  
Second World

Despite its crucial importance to the development of twentieth century Argentina and the volumes of scholarly, journalistic and partisan exegesis the movement has generated, historians have yet to reach a minimal consensus on the nature of Peronism. In the quarter century since Perón's first fall from power, numerous efforts have been made to explain, glorify or denigrate his regime. Many anti-Peronists have dismissed their bête noire as an unprincipled demagogue, motivated solely by political opportunism and an insatiable desire to retain power. Some supporters of the regime echo its propaganda by picturing Perón as taking the first great strides toward a politically free, economically independent and socially just Argentina. Certain anti-Peronists and a number of foreign commentators grudgingly admit that the movement had political and ideological content, but then label it as an imported fascist interlude, an alien virus that infected the body politic of Argentina just as it neared the end of the long march towards liberal democracy. The London Economist recently described the advent of Peronism as an instant replay of Italian Fascism. “The bulk of his supporters were the lower middle class immigrants who poured into the country from impoverished Italy after the second world war… The new arrivals cheered El Lider as they had cheered Il Duce for two decades. Perón representated the same historical phenomenon as Hitler and Mussolini…”

Fascist Samurais: the Japanese race in the Italian imaginary during the Second World War and beyond

Modern Italy ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-77
Author(s):  
Michele Monserrati
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
World War I ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Italian Fascism ◽  
Transnational Actors ◽  
Racial Policy ◽  
Common Effort ◽  
Second World

Between 1938 and 1943, Fascist intellectuals debated the problem of how to create a racial policy that would encompass the Japanese within the Aryan doctrine. This article demonstrates how internal divisions in the Fascist party over racial issues generated alternative versions of pro-Japanese propaganda, which influenced the racial thinking of the Italian far-right even long after the Second World War. I show how Italian racial theories developed to underpin the alliance with Japan were transnational in scope, as they involved both German and Italian scholars in a common effort to lobby state racial policies. Specifically, I consider George Montandon and Julius Evola as two transnational actors engaged in building a case for the inclusion of the Japanese in the family of Aryan races, speaking either from a ‘biological’ or ‘spiritual’ perspective. While by the end of the Second World War the ‘biological’ thesis for the inclusion of the Japanese race had evaporated, the ‘spiritual’ thesis would continue to influence a generation of Italian far-right militants, especially during the ‘Years of Lead’. To make sense of this legacy, I suggest that the foundational myth of Italian Fascism, based on the spiritual heritage of the multiethnic Roman empire, responded to the neofascist quest for transnational affiliations against Western materialism.

Cultural activity and intellectual networks: Lisbon's Italian Cultural Institute from Fascism to the Second World War (1928–45)

Modern Italy ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-387
Author(s):  
Simone Muraca
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Policy ◽  
Cultural Diplomacy ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Cultural Activity ◽  
World War ◽  
Italian Fascism ◽  
Intellectual Networks ◽  
Second World

From the late 1920s onwards, Italian cultural diplomacy in Portugal was responsible for an increasing number of activities and initiatives directed at the Portuguese intellectual public. From Mussolini's perspective, the ideological ground shared by the Salazar regime and Italian Fascism meant that it was important for Italy to nourish links and exchanges with Portugal. This article examines cultural diplomacy in Lisbon, using one particular centre as the focus of analysis: the Italian Cultural Institute and its networking activities with intellectuals in the Portuguese regime. Within these transnational intellectual networks, a prominent role was taken by the Institute's successive directors between 1928 and 1945. These figures varied substantially in their biographical trajectories and seem to have exemplified the idiosyncrasies and contradictions of Fascist cultural policy in Portugal, which was one of a range of attempts, never fully realised, to export the idea of Italian Fascism.

scholarly journals The Fascist Kernel of Ukrainian Genocidal Nationalism

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Mass Violence ◽  
East Central ◽  
Italian Fascism ◽  
History Of ◽  
East Central European ◽  
Second World ◽  
Radical Form

This article briefly presents the history of the radical form of Ukrainian nationalism paying especial attention to the geopolitical circumstances which formed this movement. Then, it analyzes some aspects of this phenomenon such as its main ideologists, racism, antisemitism, religion, rituals, leaders, concepts of revolution, and the ethnic, political and mass violence conducted before, during and after the Second World War. The article argues that the extreme and genocidal form of Ukrainian nationalism did have a fascist kernel and should be considered a form of European or East Central European fascism. Nevertheless, because of the specific cultural, social and political Ukrainian circumstances the radical form of Ukrainian nationalism differed from better known fascist movements such as German National Socialism or Italian Fascism, and thus it requires a careful and adequate investigation.

Gender and the Second World War

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corinna Peniston-Bird ◽  
Emma Vickers
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Second World

Kapitalistische Krisen mit und ohne systemischer Herausforderung.

2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (185) ◽  
pp. 543-560 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingo Schmidt
Keyword(s):  
World Market ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Deep Penetration ◽  
World War ◽  
Major Overhaul ◽  
Domestic Markets ◽  
Global Restructuring ◽  
Social Divisions ◽  
Class Power ◽  
Second World

This article draws on Marxist theories of crises, imperialism, and class formation to identify commonalities and differences between the stagnation of the 1930s and today. Its key argument is that the anti-systemic movements that existed in the 1930s and gained ground after the Second World War pushed capitalists to turn from imperialist expansion and rivalry to the deep penetration of domestic markets. By doing so they unleashed strong economic growth that allowed for social compromise without hurting profits. Yet, once labour and other social movements threatened to shift the balance of class power into their favor, capitalist counter-reform began. In its course, global restructuring, and notably the integration of Russia and China into the world market, created space for accumulation. The cause for the current stagnation is that this space has been used up. In the absence of systemic challenges capitalists have little reason to seek a major overhaul of their accumulation strategies that could help to overcome stagnation. Instead they prop up profits at the expense of the subaltern classes even if this prolongs stagnation and leads to sharper social divisions.

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