The Globalization of Contentious Politics: The Amazonian Indigenous Rights Movement. By Pamela L. Martin. New York: Routledge, 2003. 176p. $65.00

2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 206-207
Author(s):  
Clifford Bob
Author(s):  
Richard Stahler-Sholk

Scholars of Latin American social movements since the 1980s have sought to explain the apparent upswing in cycles of contentious politics, the innovative characteristics of these new movements, and variations in how they interact with or sidestep conventional institutional politics. The regional context for these developments is very different from the postmaterialist conditions said to have spawned European “new social movements” since the 1970s revolving around identity and values, such as ecology, peace, gay rights, and women’s movements. Relevant causal factors for Latin America’s contemporary movements include popular reaction against neoliberal policies imposed by international financial institutions and brokered by national governments. Another factor was the transition from military authoritarianism in much of the region, inaugurating a struggle between political elites with a liberal-representative vision of democratization and social movements favoring radical/participatory democracy. The era of globalization also brought reexamination of the citizenship pact and of the hegemonic (mestizo) construction of the nation-state, fueling a reinvigoration of indigenous movements, some with their own cosmovisions of buen vivir (living well) that destabilized mainstream notions of the political. The interplay between party-electoral politics and grassroots movement activism took place against the backdrop of the “pink tide” of elected leftist governments, which swept much of the region in the first decade of the 21st century and subsequently appeared to recede. Throughout this period, scholars and activists alike debated whether fundamental change could best be achieved by movements pushing parties and governments to use state power to enact reforms or by movements themselves adopting radically horizontal and inclusive patterns of organizing—“new ways of doing politics”—that would transform society from below. The January 1, 1994, Zapatista uprising among mostly Maya peasants in the poor southeastern Mexican state of Chiapas, launched the day the North American Free Trade Agreement took effect, became emblematic of new ways of doing politics from below. What began as a rebellion of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional [EZLN]) quickly morphed into a social movement that both criticized national and global power structures and sought to empower local communities through everyday practices of de facto autonomy. Negotiations with the state over indigenous rights and culture quickly broke down, but the Zapatistas proceeded anyway to develop their own structures of self-government, autonomous education, healthcare, justice, and agrarian and economic relations, among other innovative practices. The Zapatista movement continues to raise important issues such as the role of culture and identity in popular mobilization, the social spaces for organizing in an era of globalization, the new characteristics of movements that practice alternative forms of prefigurative politics, and the possibility of redefining power from below. Scholars of the Zapatista movement have also posed probing self-reflective questions about the adequacy of conventional definitions of politics and Western positivist epistemologies and about the need for decolonizing research in indigenous and other oppressed communities.


2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Stewart

In the early 1990s, Guatemalan massacre survivors mobilized to demand the exhumation and burial of relatives killed during government repression in the 1980s. Using connections -with transnational activist networks, this local movement successfully implicated not only the Guatemalan government but also important international actors such as the World Bank in the atrocities. In contrast to Keck and Sikkink's boomerang model, which proposes that movements go global when domestic channels are blocked, I argue that the shift from local to transnational mobilization leads to substantive changes in a movement'sdiscourse and its interpretation of grievances, strategies, and targets. Further, in contrast to Keck and Sikkink's "short causal chain" linking problems and solutions to justify collective action, the Guatemala case suggests a "long causal chain" whereby successful transnational activism requires extension of causal links from local problems to powerful global actors to create the conditions for convergence of interests among members of a transnational network.


2002 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHARLES R. HALE

This article challenges the assumption that the underlying principles of state-endorsed ‘multiculturalism’ stand in tension with neoliberal political-economic policies. Based on ethnographic research in Guatemala, it is argued that neoliberalism's cultural project entails pro-active recognition of a minimal package of cultural rights, and an equally vigorous rejection of the rest. The result is a dichotomy between recognised and recalcitrant indigenous subjects, which confronts the indigenous rights movement as a ‘menace’ even greater than the assimilationist policies of the previous era. It is suggested that the most effective response to this menace is probably not to engage in frontal opposition to neoliberal regimes, but rather to refuse the dichotomy altogether.


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