Zapatistas and New Ways of Doing Politics

Author(s):  
Richard Stahler-Sholk

Scholars of Latin American social movements since the 1980s have sought to explain the apparent upswing in cycles of contentious politics, the innovative characteristics of these new movements, and variations in how they interact with or sidestep conventional institutional politics. The regional context for these developments is very different from the postmaterialist conditions said to have spawned European “new social movements” since the 1970s revolving around identity and values, such as ecology, peace, gay rights, and women’s movements. Relevant causal factors for Latin America’s contemporary movements include popular reaction against neoliberal policies imposed by international financial institutions and brokered by national governments. Another factor was the transition from military authoritarianism in much of the region, inaugurating a struggle between political elites with a liberal-representative vision of democratization and social movements favoring radical/participatory democracy. The era of globalization also brought reexamination of the citizenship pact and of the hegemonic (mestizo) construction of the nation-state, fueling a reinvigoration of indigenous movements, some with their own cosmovisions of buen vivir (living well) that destabilized mainstream notions of the political. The interplay between party-electoral politics and grassroots movement activism took place against the backdrop of the “pink tide” of elected leftist governments, which swept much of the region in the first decade of the 21st century and subsequently appeared to recede. Throughout this period, scholars and activists alike debated whether fundamental change could best be achieved by movements pushing parties and governments to use state power to enact reforms or by movements themselves adopting radically horizontal and inclusive patterns of organizing—“new ways of doing politics”—that would transform society from below. The January 1, 1994, Zapatista uprising among mostly Maya peasants in the poor southeastern Mexican state of Chiapas, launched the day the North American Free Trade Agreement took effect, became emblematic of new ways of doing politics from below. What began as a rebellion of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional [EZLN]) quickly morphed into a social movement that both criticized national and global power structures and sought to empower local communities through everyday practices of de facto autonomy. Negotiations with the state over indigenous rights and culture quickly broke down, but the Zapatistas proceeded anyway to develop their own structures of self-government, autonomous education, healthcare, justice, and agrarian and economic relations, among other innovative practices. The Zapatista movement continues to raise important issues such as the role of culture and identity in popular mobilization, the social spaces for organizing in an era of globalization, the new characteristics of movements that practice alternative forms of prefigurative politics, and the possibility of redefining power from below. Scholars of the Zapatista movement have also posed probing self-reflective questions about the adequacy of conventional definitions of politics and Western positivist epistemologies and about the need for decolonizing research in indigenous and other oppressed communities.

Author(s):  
Richard D. Mahoney

How did the U.S.-Colombia free trade agreement come about? The officially named “U.S.-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement” was the stepchild of a rancorous hemispheric divorce between the United States and five Latin American governments over the proposal to extend the North American Free Trade Agreement...


1997 ◽  
Vol 1997 (1) ◽  
pp. 447-451
Author(s):  
Alicia Watts Hosmer ◽  
Ede J. Ijjasz ◽  
Gwen Fairweather

ABSTRACT Environmental regulation in Latin America is currently undergoing radical change. In response to an increase in environmental awareness, internal pressures (including privatization of state-owned monopolies), and external standards (such as those of the North American Free Trade Agreement [NAFTA] Environmental Side Agreement and ISO 14000), a large number of Latin American countries have passed or will soon pass new environmental legislation. Although much of this legislation aims to develop or strengthen the general environmental frameworks of these countries, there are many emerging Latin American regulations and initiatives that deal specifically with oil spill prevention, preparedness, and response. As a first step toward understanding the impacts that these oil spill regulations and initiatives will have for individual Latin American countries and the region, this paper seeks to identify and explore the current forces driving the increase in oil spill regulation in Latin America; examine some new oil spill regulatory initiatives taking place in individual countries, including Venezuela, Brazil, Colombia, Peru, Argentina, and Bolivia; review relevant international treaties and regional initiatives; and discuss anticipated future trends for the region as a whole.


Author(s):  
Juan Carlos Lara Gálvez ◽  
Alan M. Sears

This chapter discusses the impact of free trade agreements (FTAs) on intermediary liability in Latin America, with special emphasis on the Digital Millennium Copyright Act’s (DMCA) provisions that have been included into every bilateral FTA the United States has entered into since 2002, thus promoting their inclusion in the national law of other countries. However, these provisions are controversial, and whether they drive the internet economy or create a more restrictive online space is a matter of debate. This chapter analyses the impact of such provisions in Latin American countries and the state of their implementation in national jurisdictions. In particular, this chapter reviews implementation and proposed implementation of the DMCA model in Chile, Costa Rica and other CAFTA bloc countries, Colombia, and Peru. It also discusses the failure of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement to create new intermediary liability rules and how the same language was ultimately included in the revision of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which became the US–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA).


Author(s):  
Roderic Ai Camp

Today all would agree that Mexico and the United States have never been closer--that the fates of the two republics are inextricably intertwined. It has become an intimate part of life in almost every community in the United States, through immigration, imported produce, business ties, or illegal drugs. It is less a neighbor than a sibling; no matter what our differences, it is intricately a part of our existence. In the fully updated second edition of Mexico: What Everyone Needs to Know®, Roderic Ai Camp gives readers the most essential information about our sister republic to the south. Camp organizes chapters around major themes--security and violence, economic development, foreign relations, the colonial heritage, and more. He asks questions that take us beyond the headlines: Why does Mexico have so much drug violence? What was the impact of the North American Free Trade Agreement? How democratic is Mexico? Who were Benito Juárez and Pancho Villa? What is the PRI (the Institutional Revolutionary Party)? The answers are sometimes surprising. Despite ratification of NAFTA, for example, Mexico has fallen behind Brazil and Chile in economic growth and rates of poverty. Camp explains that lack of labor flexibility, along with low levels of transparency and high levels of corruption, make Mexico less competitive than some other Latin American countries. The drug trade, of course, enhances corruption and feeds on poverty; approximately 450,000 Mexicans now work in this sector. Brisk, clear, and informed, Mexico: What Everyone Needs To Know® offers a valuable primer for anyone interested in the past, present, and future of our neighbor to the South.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gibran Vita

The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is the most influential trade agreement, signed by the governments of USA, Canada and Mexico in 1992. It came into effect the 1st of January of 1994 promising economic growth and better employment opportunities to reduce Mexican emigration. The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), a civil resistance movement against capitalist neo-liberalism, protested the agreement, warning that it would feed social inequalities and threaten indigenous rights, autonomy, land access and use of natural resources. The Zapatistas feared the NAFTA would reinforce a master-servant relationship where Mexican human and natural resources are displaced, undermined or employed for the benefit of USA-CAN. In this paper we use Multiregional Input-Output Analysis based on the EORA model to examine changes in the carbon, land material, water and employment footprints in Mexico derived from the NAFTA agreement. We pay particular attention to the fairness of the resource exchange between USA and Mexico. We find all the consumption-based footprints grew between the period of 1990-2015. The carbon footprint increased by 50%, land by 32%, material by 46% and water by 566%. Territorial based employment rose by 7% and consumption based employment by 14%. Consumption of land and water considerably sped up after NAFTA. Remarkably, the land footprint doubled between 1994 and 2003, whereas GDP only increased by 20%. After that peak, the changes in land footprints retracted and stabilized at a 32% yearly increase until 2015, which corresponded to a 65% increase in GDP. Carbon intensity per unit of GDP has noticeably decreased after the NAFTA, nevertheless rising consumption heavily drives carbon emissions, eating-up efficiency gains. We confirm that the unequal trade has increased after the NAFTA, with surpluses for carbon, materials and more heavily for labour -meaning Mexico has become a net source for these resources. Not so for land and water, where Mexico remains a net consumer (2) We confirm that a large portion of the increases in Mexico’s carbon, material and water are destined to satisfy USA-CAN consumption. (3) We confirm a master-servant dynamic where the employment embodied in trade leaves Mexico with a 73% surplus -a net supplier of labor among NAFTA partners.


Author(s):  
Freya Schiwy

The six-month-long occupation of the historic city center of Oaxaca, Mexico, in 2006 became one of the first social uprisings to be thoroughly intermeshed with the creation of old and new media. Graffiti, performance protest, and independent radio proliferated and found its way into the many digitally recorded activist videos shown in community centers, on occupied television, distributed on DVD, and streamed on the Internet. Such media activism attests to continuities and discontinuities with what has been known as “New Latin American Cinema,” that is, the militant and social realist films made in analogue formats that were gaining world attention in the 1960s and 1970s. Oaxaca’s media activism also signals links among diverse leftist social movements and community and collaborative video in indigenous languages from throughout Latin America and beyond. Often called “indigenous video,” these works, like the New Latin American Cinema, have also spawned diverse scholarly interpretations. Although the Mexican student brigades and Super 8 video movement are not usually included in the critical scholarship on New Latin American Cinema, they, too, constitute important precursors for Oaxaca’s media activism and for collaborative and community media in the region. How to understand media militancy and anticolonial struggle, in turn, has changed. These changes reflect technological shifts from analogue film to digital video and the growing impact of indigenous social movements on the political left. Audiovisual militancy has shifted from the denunciation of U.S. neoimperialism and a Marxist-Leninist vision of revolution to broader, more open-ended, antiauthoritarian alliances among filmmakers, anarchists, feminists, indigenous organizations, and diverse other social movements that embrace decolonization. In contrast with anticolonial struggles, decolonization does not necessarily seek to oust a colonizing military force but aims to change colonial relations and their postcolonial aftermath under settler colonial conditions through prefigurative politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (9) ◽  
pp. 1299-1321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliane Reinecke

Organizational scholars have examined how social movements generate institutional change through contentious politics. However, little attention has been given to the role of prefigurative politics. The latter collapses expressive and strategic politics so as to enact the desired future society in the present and disrupt the reproduction of institutionalized structures that sustain deep-seated inequalities. The paper presents an ethnographic study of Occupy London and protesters’ encounter with people living homeless to examine how prefigurative politics is organized in the face of entrenched inequalities. Findings show how the macro-level inequalities that protesters set out to fight resurfaced in the day-to-day living in the camp itself. Initially, the creation of an exceptional space and communal space helped participants align expressive and strategic politics and imbued them with the emotional energy needed to confront challenges. But over time these deeply entrenched institutional inequalities frustrated participants’ attempts to maintain an exceptional and communal space, triggering a spiral of decline. The dilemma faced by Occupy invites us to reflect on how everyday constraints may be suspended so as to open up imagination for novel and more equal ways of organizing.


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (12) ◽  
pp. 47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Yúnez Naude

In this article I examine the North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) to investigate its impact on agriculture and the rural economy in Mexico and assess the policies the country has adopted to support the process. The first conclusion is that NAFTAhas confirmed some predictions (an increase in the trading of agricultural and fresh fish products between member countries and price cuts to Mexican producers of non-competitive crops). The second conclusion is the non-fulfilment of other predictions, an important one of which was an increase in the production of Mexican maize —the country’s main crop and form of human sustenance, and considered non-competitive. The Mexican experience, however, shows that the polarized view of some political agents, which is reflected in their choice of public policies, has led to contradictions between goals and policies, that is, the protection of food safety and sovereignty in the context of an agricultural trade liberalization framework. The article concludes by indicating some of the lessons the Mexican experience has to offer to other Latin American countries with existing or pending free trade agreements.


Author(s):  
J. Anthony VanDuzer

SummaryRecently, there has been a proliferation of international agreements imposing minimum standards on states in respect of their treatment of foreign investors and allowing investors to initiate dispute settlement proceedings where a state violates these standards. Of greatest significance to Canada is Chapter 11 of the North American Free Trade Agreement, which provides both standards for state behaviour and the right to initiate binding arbitration. Since 1996, four cases have been brought under Chapter 11. This note describes the Chapter 11 process and suggests some of the issues that may arise as it is increasingly resorted to by investors.


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