Financing climate justice in the European Union and China: common mechanisms, different perspectives

Climate justice is a concept with many different and competing interpretations. It has salience at intra-country, inter-country and intergenerational levels of climate politics. While inter-country climate justice has long been on the agenda of United Nations climate negotiations, the intra-country and intergenerational aspects of climate justice have assumed new prominence in many countries in recent years, as the economic consequences of mitigation became felt and transnational activism highlighted youth concerns. The diverse elements of and approaches to climate justice have this in common: realising them requires massive financial interventions and reforms. This article examines the still emerging frameworks to finance climate justice in two of the jurisdictions most important to the global response to climate change: the European Union and the People’s Republic of China. The EU and China have in common that they are both on the front line of financial innovation to respond to climate change. They are utilising similar tools of systemic financial intervention in order to transition financing to climate-friendly investment, in the first case domestically, but with clear implications for global financial markets. However, the EU and China are utilising climate financing mechanisms in the context of very different prevailing perspectives on climate justice. This article interrogates the relationship between these different perspectives on climate justice and the distribution, scale and pace of climate finance. The article also observes that while the EU incorporated climate justice considerations in its economic responses to the COVID-19 pandemic with a recovery package prioritising climate action, China did not take the opportunity to foster a ‘green recovery’.

Transcending Borders: The Evolution of the Refugee Diaspora in ‘Bounded’ and ‘Moebius ’ Space

<p>The emergence of ‘transnational refugee theory’ and the rubric of the ‘refugee diaspora’ have reignited refugee studies, and elicited an exciting theoretical vantage-point from which to explore refugee communities. This paper seeks to disentangle the core precepts of transnational refugee theory and, drawing upon compelling empirical evidence strengthen our understanding of the dynamic interaction between the refugee diaspora and the environment within which it evolves – in particular how the entrenched international refugee regime ontology impacts directly the effective functioning of the refugee community. Echoing Giddens’ Structuration Theory, what is proposed is that the refugee community exists within a ‘middle space’ – a synthesis of endogenous and exogenous factors that together establish the ‘boundaries’ that shape the diaspora space, and ultimately support or undermine the activities of those communities located within it. Accordingly, a refugee ‘middle space model’ is outlined, which defines a core set of economic, political and socio-cultural activities, and the endogenous and exogenous factors that shape their realisation in situ. This theoretical construct is applied to two case studies. Firstly, the ‘bounded’ space of Dadaab and Kakuma refugee camps in Kenya is shown to not only disregard but also actively undermine the transnational character of refugee displacement. Moreover, while the refugee community remains active in circumventing these boundaries, there remains an inherent ambiguity in this transnational activism, giving rise to a perversion or ‘transmutation’ of the bounded refugee space. In stark contrast, the Free Movement Protocols of the Economic Community of West Africa (ECOWAS) are establishing a fluid ‘moebius’ space that both acknowledges and facilitates the transnational foundations of the refugee diaspora – as both a ‘bottom-up’ (endogenous) and ‘top-down’ (exogenous) process. However, the nascent UNHCR-ECOWAS partnership remains mired in an incoherent demarcation of responsibilities and a dearth of cohesive regional processes. Notwithstanding these limitations, the moebius middle space clearly offers an invigorating alternative to the prevailing UNHCR containment model – providing a truly ‘durable solution’ for those transnational communities dispersed across the refugee diaspora.</p>

Transcending Borders: The Evolution of the Refugee Diaspora in ‘Bounded’ and ‘Moebius ’ Space

<p>The emergence of ‘transnational refugee theory’ and the rubric of the ‘refugee diaspora’ have reignited refugee studies, and elicited an exciting theoretical vantage-point from which to explore refugee communities. This paper seeks to disentangle the core precepts of transnational refugee theory and, drawing upon compelling empirical evidence strengthen our understanding of the dynamic interaction between the refugee diaspora and the environment within which it evolves – in particular how the entrenched international refugee regime ontology impacts directly the effective functioning of the refugee community. Echoing Giddens’ Structuration Theory, what is proposed is that the refugee community exists within a ‘middle space’ – a synthesis of endogenous and exogenous factors that together establish the ‘boundaries’ that shape the diaspora space, and ultimately support or undermine the activities of those communities located within it. Accordingly, a refugee ‘middle space model’ is outlined, which defines a core set of economic, political and socio-cultural activities, and the endogenous and exogenous factors that shape their realisation in situ. This theoretical construct is applied to two case studies. Firstly, the ‘bounded’ space of Dadaab and Kakuma refugee camps in Kenya is shown to not only disregard but also actively undermine the transnational character of refugee displacement. Moreover, while the refugee community remains active in circumventing these boundaries, there remains an inherent ambiguity in this transnational activism, giving rise to a perversion or ‘transmutation’ of the bounded refugee space. In stark contrast, the Free Movement Protocols of the Economic Community of West Africa (ECOWAS) are establishing a fluid ‘moebius’ space that both acknowledges and facilitates the transnational foundations of the refugee diaspora – as both a ‘bottom-up’ (endogenous) and ‘top-down’ (exogenous) process. However, the nascent UNHCR-ECOWAS partnership remains mired in an incoherent demarcation of responsibilities and a dearth of cohesive regional processes. Notwithstanding these limitations, the moebius middle space clearly offers an invigorating alternative to the prevailing UNHCR containment model – providing a truly ‘durable solution’ for those transnational communities dispersed across the refugee diaspora.</p>

Subversive affordances as a form of digital transnational activism: The case of Telegram’s native proxy

Internet, social media, and app shutdowns have become frequent, not only in authoritarian states but also in emerging and fragile democracies. As Russian authorities enforced a legal blockage to Instant Messenger Telegram during the past 2 years, many users kept using the app seamlessly thanks to what we call a subversive affordance: a built-in proxy functionality that allows users to seamlessly circumvent the blockage. We claim it is subversive because it allows users to overcome the blockage as the consequence of the app’s development, with a significant fraction of users who did not have to take action to bypass the blockage. By conducting an online survey and performing a meta-cluster analysis, we found a group we labeled the undeprived: people that, despite presenting traits frequently associated with digital divides—such as gender, age, and low levels of digital skills—were able to keep using the app.

The Arab Spring Abroad

The Arab Spring revolutions of 2011 sent shockwaves across the globe, mobilizing diaspora communities to organize forcefully against authoritarian regimes. Despite the important role that diasporas can play in influencing affairs in their countries of origin, little is known about when diaspora actors mobilize, how they intervene, or what makes them effective. This book addresses these questions, drawing on over 230 original interviews, fieldwork, and comparative analysis. Examining Libyan, Syrian, and Yemeni mobilization from the US and Great Britain before and during the revolutions, Dana M. Moss presents a new framework for understanding the transnational dynamics of contention and the social forces that either enable or suppress transnational activism.

Confronting the Youngest Revolution: Cuban Anti-Communists and the Global Politics of Youth in the Early 1960s

This article examines the transnational activism of the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil (Revolutionary Student Directorate, DRE), a group of exiled Cuban anti-Castro students. In the wake of the Bay of Pigs invasion, with CIA funding, the DRE attempted to challenge student support for the Cuban Revolution in Latin America and elsewhere in the global South. This article uses the DRE's trajectory to rethink the 1960s as a period of anti-communist, as well as leftist, youth ascendancy. It challenges the idea that Cuba garnered universal youth support, stressing instead that the Cuban Revolution helped turn student politics into a key battleground of the Cold War.

Introduction

This chapter proposes that we need a new political theory of global politics to guide us in a world increasingly marked by global interconnection, transnational activism on the part of nonstate actors, and political actors that utilize many different means (besides force and coercion) to exert influence on the world stage. The book develops such a theory by examining how justice-promoting intervention (reform intervention) implicates the values of toleration, legitimacy, and collective self-determination. The book then examines how this theory could be put into practice in the real world. Ultimately, the book argues that some reform interventions are morally permissible and may even be morally required. Moreover, we are sometimes morally required to open our own societies to reform intervention. The book presents a vision of conscientious global political contestation in which the achievement of justice everywhere can be the legitimate political concern of people anywhere.

Exploring Social Remittances and Transnational Activism Amongst Transgender Refugees

This paper explores how transgender refugees living in the United Kingdom, Europe and the United States leverage social remittances and transnational ties to advocate for their rights within intolerant receiving countries. Even after migration, their frequent experiences of persecution in so-called “safe” countries often necessitate a continuation of their activism. This study centers on the lived experiences of transgender refugees through a combination of case studies, interviews, and participatory photography. Focusing on three case studies, it analyzes the role of social remittances and transnational ties in the activism of transgender refugees. The results illustrate how transgender individuals build activist networks through interpersonal connections, especially within what research participants described as “chosen families” in receiving countries. Grassroots nonprofit organizations serving transgender refugees prove essential to building this collectivity formation. Such organizations act as loci of activism and allow for safe sharing of lifesaving social remittances to those still living in origin countries. In addition, new technologies, including end-to-end encrypted messaging platforms, allow for the secure one-on-one exchange of ideas and survival practices around gender identity. This sharing creates a ripple effect, leading to the creation of robust transnational networks between transgender activists worldwide. I argue that systemic oppression, racism, and transphobia in receiving countries push transgender refugees, victims of violence worldwide, into roles as activists. By investing in chosen families, participating in nonprofit organizations dedicated to supporting transgender refugees, and sharing their activism worldwide through transnational networks, transgender refugee activists fight to access their fundamental human rights.

Two forms of transnational organizing: Mapping the strategies of Global Union Federations

It has become a commonplace belief among academics and trade union officials that globalization has weakened trade unions. However, the expansion of global capital has also led to a rise of transnational labor organizing. Since the 2000s, Global Union Federations have developed different strategies to tackle the challenges of globalization. In this article, we analyze two such forms of transnational organizing: A network-based and an event-based form of organizing. While the network-based approach brings together unions from different countries in a company or industry-wide cross-border network, the event-based strategy is built on the engagement of the GUFs at large international events to wage local struggles with a lasting impact on labor relations. By drawing on a power resource approach and labor geography and by using empirical data from two case studies, the Building and Woodworkers International’s Fifa World Cup campaign of 2014 and the International Transport Workers Union’s Latam Union network, we demonstrate how GUFs are using different pathways of transnational activism to link the global with the local and why local trade union action is crucial for success in transnational organizing.