EMBEDDING THE COLOR LINE: The Accumulation of Racial Advantage and the Disaccumulation of Opportunity in Post-Civil Rights America

2005 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael K. Brown ◽  
David Wellman

This article investigates why deeply entrenched racial inequality persists into the post-civil rights era in the United States. It challenges individual-level explanations that assume persistent racial inequality is the result of either White bigotry, which is diminishing, or the failure of Blacks to take advantage of the opportunities opened up by the civil rights legislation of the 1960s. We propose an alternative explanation for durable racial inequality. Contemporary color lines, we argue, result from the cumulative effect of racial discrimination and exclusion, a process in which Whites accumulate racial advantages to the detriment of African Americans and Latinos. These cumulative inequalities are produced and sustained by competition between racial groups to acquire and control jobs and other resources, and by institutional practices and public policies. Individual choice in the form of intentional racism has little to do with the persistence of racial inequality. Our analysis suggests that Americans' current understanding of the concept of equality of opportunity is out of sync with the realities of durable racial inequality, and needs to be revised.

2019 ◽  
pp. 174165901988011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vanessa Lynn

This article investigates autobiographical public narratives of people who are, and were, incarcerated during different regimes of injustices in the United States—from the civil rights era to the current era of mass incarceration. People make sense of their experiences with race and racism through time, from a present standpoint of incarceration or freedom, in retrospect via proximate and distant memories of injustices, and toward a vision of the future. I juxtapose mainstream autobiographies from Malcolm X to Shaka Senghor with public blog posts from individuals incarcerated who provide autobiographical accounts to the world. I find that generations of incarcerated people who came of age during the height of the War on Drugs of the 1980s and 1990s project a narrative of a neoliberal subject who has a more individualistic and de-racialized idea of transforming their moral self and community. This contradicts with the way they portray prison as being a conduit for creating communities of racial solidarity and racial consciousness. Highly influenced and inspired by other narratives of radical prisoners of conscience of the 1960s and 1970s who were prone to view their liberation, and of the Black community, through vanquishing White supremacy, the new generation speaks to the color-blind narratives that pervade mainstream society and possible in narrative interventions correctional program.


2004 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Stanley O. Gaines

The 1960s have been described as the “civil rights decade” in American history. Few scholar-activists have been identified as strongly with the legal, social, economic, and political changes culminating in the 1960s as has African American historian, sociologist, psychologist W. E. B. Du Bois. Inexplicably, in 2003, the 100-year anniversary of Du Bois' classic, The Souls of Black Folk (1903), came and went with little fanfare within or outside of academia. However, in 2004, the 50-year anniversary of the initial U. S. Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education (1954) presents an opportunity for ethnic studies in general, and Black studies in particular, to acknowledge the intellectual and political contributions of Du Bois to the civil rights movement in the United States. In the post-Civil Rights Era, some authors have suggested that Du Bois opposed the initial Brown v. Board of Education (1954) ruling. In contrast, I observe in the present paper that Du Bois (1957) opposed the U. S. Supreme Court's subsequent (1955) ruling that invoked the much-criticized term “with all deliberate speed,” rather than the initial (1954) ruling that rendered the “separate but equal” doctrine unconstitutional. Moreover, I contend that Du Bois' own values and attitudes were fully consistent with his position on the (1954, 1955) decisions.


Author(s):  
Hertha D. Sweet Wong

The Coda reiterates that the post-civil rights era in the United States–with the coalescence of rebellion against historic modes of thought, heightened awareness of the politics of race and gender, and challenges to the artificiality of disciplinary silos –gave rise to a period of intense innovation in autobiographical expression in text and image. During this same period, profoundly new possibilities for image-text self-expression arose as the internet was developed, digital tools were generated, and social media sites were launched. Like the interart autobiographies discussed in Picturing Identity, digital media demands interactive engagement. The conclusion discusses e-poetry as a digital descendant of the forms discussed in the book. Finally, the chapter suggests that scholarly claims that digital technology itself decenters the subject must be reconsidered. It is not technology alone that determines subjectivity. All the writers-artists discussed thematize a split subject that seeks, usually futilely, wholeness.


2020 ◽  
Vol 122 (8) ◽  
pp. 1-44
Author(s):  
Katie Sciurba

Background/Context Since the 2016 presidential election, hate-based speech, crime, and violence have been on the rise in the United States, (re)creating a need for adults to engage children in dialogue related to white supremacy as it exists today, instead of framing it as a problem that ended with the civil rights movement. Following an incident of racist vandalism at her home, the author of this article (a White mother) conducted a search for picture books that could serve as vehicles to discuss race-based hate and whiteness with children like her young Black son. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study This study draws upon Critical Race Theory, Critical Whiteness Studies, and Critical Multicultural Analysis to explore the emancipatory possibilities of literacy education. Given that children's literature has the potential to engage young readers in transactions that promote critical literacy, this study focuses on the following research questions: 1) To what extent do picture books set in a post-civil-rights era United States address explicit and physical acts of white supremacy or hate directed against Black people's bodies, families, or properties? 2) How might such picture books aid parents, educators, and other adults in their attempts to raise children's awareness about white supremacy/hate? Research Design The first part of this article, which documents the author's search for children's picture books about explicit and physical acts of white supremacy/hate, utilizes first person narrative. The second part of this article consists of a multimodal content analysis of five texts, all meeting the following criteria: 1) written and illustrated in picture book format, 2) include child characters, 3) set in the United States, 4) set in a post-civil-rights era, 5) include an incident of white supremacist crime or violence (a physical act directed toward a person or property), 6) depict/address an incident directed against a Black individual or group. Conclusions/Recommendations Findings of this study point to the need for more picture books that challenge whiteness in its overt and covert forms, particularly in contemporary contexts, in order to provide children with opportunities to engage critically with current issues that have emerged in this heightened era of white supremacy and hate-based crime and violence. The picture books that do address white supremacy, in its current manifestation, tend to include stories about White police killing and shooting Black individuals and the protests that follow such incidents. Yet these stories, as well as one about an incident in which a group of White gang members physically attack two Black children (Ntozake Shange's Whitewash), are not equal in their level of explicitness about what occurs, their identifications of the White perpetrators involved in what happens, or their demonstrations of how the incidents are rooted in white supremacy. Accordingly, educators and other adults will often need to fill in significant “truth gaps” in order to raise children's social consciousness related to whiteness and racism. One of the primary recommendations presented in this piece is to accompany these picture books and picture books like them with discussion questions related to the stories that are and are not told in the texts, as well as to facilitate conversation with children related to power and agency as exhibited by the Black characters. Most important, educators and other adults should remain cognizant of the fact that, while books like the ones in this examination may help to address traumas and help facilitate testimony related to race-based hate, children should have opportunities to construct and express their own understandings of textual relevance on this topic.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul A. Passavant

In Policing Protest Paul A. Passavant explores how the policing of protest in the United States has become increasingly hostile since the late 1990s, moving away from strategies that protect protesters toward militaristic practices designed to suppress protests. He identifies reactions to three interrelated crises that converged to institutionalize this new mode of policing: the political mobilization of marginalized social groups in the Civil Rights era that led to a perceived crisis of democracy, the urban fiscal crisis of the 1970s, and a crime crisis that was associated with protests and civil disobedience of the 1960s. As Passavant demonstrates, these reactions are all haunted by the figure of black insurrection, which continues to shape policing of protest and surveillance, notably in response to the Black Lives Matter movement. Ultimately, Passavant argues, this trend of violent policing strategies against protesters is evidence of the emergence of a post-democratic state in the United States.


Author(s):  
Rebecca J. Blankenship

In the wake of an increasingly divisive sociopolitical climate in the United States, there is a sense of immediate urgency among institutions of higher education to speak with a united voice in terms of maintaining the post-civil rights era principles of providing equitable access to educational opportunities for all students. Students, regardless of their race, ethnicity, gender, gender identity, religion, or socioeconomic status should be afforded equal access to sound educational opportunities. Thusly, the next generation of teachers must be not only instructionally competent in their grade or subject area but also be capable of adapting that instruction to meet the sociocultural and socioemotional needs of the students they serve. From this charge, a larger conversation emerges calling for a change in the existing narrative related to teaching marginalized populations away from political banter towards the release of silent voices that have the agentic potential to engage as voices of authentic change.


2018 ◽  
pp. 62-81
Author(s):  
Emilio Comay del Junco

This chapter develops a philosophical account of ‘racism without racists’ in the US. It starts by noting the contrast between the strong taboos against expressing racist sentiments that have emerged since the 1960s Civil Rights era and the staggering levels of racial inequality which have remained relatively unchanged. It then develops a division of racism into four broad types. The first involves an explicit denial of humanity to racial minorities. The second endorses formal equality while denying the legitimacy of substantive claims that would lessen racial inequality and while enforcing policies in racially differential ways. This type of racism implicitly rather than explicitly stigmatises members of racially subordinate groups. The third type of racism falls under the rubric of racially harmful actions motivated by implicit bias while the fourth is what I dub ‘racial akrasia’ or ‘akratic racism’, borrowing the philosophical term of art for actions performed knowingly against an agent’s sincere better judgments. Unlike standard cases of implicit bias, in which racially stigmatizing beliefs are unconscious, racial akrasia involves some degree of awareness on the part of the agent. Though the first two kinds of racism are all too present in the contemporary American landscape, I argue that an account limited to these will fail to take in significant ways by which racial inequality is produced and reproduced and thus needs to be supplemented by an account of this third kind of racism. I also suggest that that addressing newer and more subtle forms of American racism will take more than individual goodwill, but must focus on material inequality and perhaps above all thinking more clearly about what meaningful integration entails.


2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 80-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Rhodes

Following the Civil Rights legislation enacted in the 1960s in the United States, the notion of ‘colourblind’ racism has emerged within sociological literature. It has been used as a theoretical tool to explain the continuing presence of racism and racialised inequalities within a society where its significance in determining social location is increasingly disavowed. The use of the term has been restricted to those describing the politics of racism in America. However, this paper will consider the applicability of ‘colourblind racism’ to the UK context. The 2001 riots marked an important watershed in ‘race relations’ in Britain. They have been widely cited as marking the point at which New Labour retreated from the celebration of diversity in pursuit of a more monocultural, more ‘cohesive’ society. Through an analysis of the governmental response to the events of summer 2001 it will be suggested that notions of ‘colourblind’ racism can offer interesting insights into the development of the politics of ‘race’ in Britain. Drawing on Bonilla-Silva's (2006) elucidation of the key features of this dominant form of racism in the US, the extent to which these same factors guided New Labour's response will be considered. It will be argued that while it is important to recognize the different patterns of racial formation in the US and the UK, the government reaction to the 2001 riots demonstrates a broad adherence to the key tenets of colourblind racism. This is evident in Labour's failure to effectively engage with racism or the persistence of racial inequality.


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