Environmental Migration in the Asia-Pacific Region: Could We Hang Out Sometime?

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benoît MAYER

Several proposals for global legal governance of environmental migration have recently been published, almost exclusively by Western scholars. The present article denounces the geographical and intellectual disconnect between descriptive works on environmental migration as a phenomenon and the normative studies on the developments in law and governance. It suggests that this disconnect has resulted in a post-colonial approach towards tackling environmental migration, which could impede the protection of environmental migrants. While recalling that governance of environmental migration is most likely to succeed within a regional framework, this article pleads for a home-grown legal approach of environmental migration in the Asia-Pacific. Participating in a multilateral discussion is a unique opportunity for the rising countries of Asia and the Pacific to strengthen their growing diplomatic roles and to demonstrate their capacity in the development of liberal forms of transnational governance.

2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Bridget Lewis ◽  
Rowena Maguire ◽  
MD Saiful Karim

<em>This issue of the QUT Law Review features a collection of papers on the topic of climate displacement in the Pacific. The collection arose out of a symposium held at QUT in May 2014 and co-hosted by the Faculty of Law and Friends of the Earth. The focus of the symposium was on the potential of pre-emptive migration pathways to address the challenges of climate change-related displacement in the Asia-Pacific region. The guest editors wish to thank Wendy Flannery of Friends of the Earth (Brisbane) for her hard work in organising the symposium and her ongoing commitment to this serious issue.</em>


Author(s):  
Nguyen Hoang Tien ◽  
Ha Van Dung

National security is one of the most critical elements for the society, economy and the political system of a given country. Especially, it is unconditionally important for the stability, sustainability and prosperity of national development. Moreover, it is also unconditio¬nally the top priority for all ASEAN countries that have to cope with the continually rising China in all aspects of development of the Asia-Pacific region. The present article is using case study analysis and comparative empirical analysis as a research methodology to investigate and find out the right answer to the question exposed in its title. The article approaches and treats security and military science as interdisciplinary area of contemporary research. At the same time they are considered as one of the branches of social science. In the beginning of 21st century, the economic relations as well as the geo-political relations between China and ASEAN have made many progresses and positive changes towards right direction, in line with common principles of peaceful and secured development in the region. However, this current relationship still shows many difficulties and obstacles that the two sides need to solve and overcome in order to benefit from the existing potentials of each other. The first aim of this present article is to focus on overall complex relationship between ASEAN and China that could pose real threat and danger to the ASEAN nations in terms of its inability to counterbalance the rising China in the Asia Pacific region. The second aim of the article is to propose some useful recommendations and viable solutions to guard the safety of the people, security in the society and economy, the political existence of the ASEAN bloc.


2012 ◽  
Vol 111 (747) ◽  
pp. 270-274
Author(s):  
Dmitri Trenin

Even as the Obama administration has pivoted toward the Asia-Pacific region, so has the Kremlin.…


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-11
Author(s):  
David Robie ◽  
Hermin Indah Wahyuni

When University of the South Pacific climate change scientist Elisabeth Holland gave a keynote address at the Second Pacific Climate Change Conference at Te Papa Tongarewa in Wellington, New Zealand, on February 2018, her message was simple but inspiring. In an address advocating ‘connecting the dots’ about the climate challenges facing the globe, and particularly the coral atoll microstates of the Asia-Pacific region, she called for ‘more Pacific research, by the Pacific and for the Pacific’. The 2007 Nobel Peace Prize co-recipient, Professor Holland, director of the University of the South Pacific’s Pacific Centre for Environment and Sustainable Development (PaCE-SD), noted many of the global models drawn from average statistics were not too helpful for the specifics in the Pacific where climate change had already become a daily reality.


2007 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Warren

Even as journalists look forward to the benefits that technology will surely bring to digital democracy and journalism, they need to also reflect on the approaching ‘shadows’. These shadows are cast by three fundamental crises that threaten the free and independent practice of journalism and the very craft of journalism itself. These intertwined crises are: a crisis of press freedom, a crisis of safety and a crisis confronting the way journalists work. These crises are putting pressure on all journalists. But journalists and media workers are fighting back. The two commentaries over the next few pages outline some of these issues from the broad issue of media freedom in the Asia-Pacific region to women’s ‘suitcase’ broadcasting in the Pacific.


The growing economic and political significance of Asia has exposed a tension in the modern international order. Despite expanding power and influence, Asian states have played a minimal role in creating the norms and institutions of international law; today they are the least likely to be parties to international agreements or to be represented in international organizations. That is changing. There is widespread scholarly and practitioner interest in international law at present in the Asia-Pacific region, as well as developments in the practice of states. The change has been driven by threats as well as opportunities. Transnational issues such as climate change and occasional flashpoints like the territorial disputes of the South China and the East China Seas pose challenges while economic integration and the proliferation of specialised branches of law and dispute settlement mechanisms have also encouraged greater domestic implementation of international norms across Asia. These evolutions join the long-standing interest in parts of Asia (notably South Asia) in post-colonial theory and the history of international law. This book analyses the approach to, and influence of, key states of the region, as well as whether truly ‘Asian’ trends can be identified and what this might mean for international order.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 108-113
Author(s):  
E.N. Yakovleva ◽  

The article investigates the features of regional mechanisms of protection of the rights of persons with disabilities, created by intergovernmental organizations in the Asia-Pacific region; analyzes the main regional human rights documents in force in this area; highlights pressing issues of protection of the rights of this category of population, typical for the countries of Asia and the Pacific. Despite the interest of legal science in the field of disability, the issue of protecting the rights of persons with disabilities remains underresearched by regional international organizations. The methodological basis of the study is the comparative legal, formal legal methods. The work analyzes the international sources of regional organizations that have not previously been the subject of scientific research on the issues raised by this article. As a result of the study, the conclusion is drawn on the programmatic nature of international instruments of regional organizations in the Asia-Pacific region, the need for States to strengthen social policy taking into account the concept of ensuring the inclusion of the interests of persons with disabilities, the important role of the UN regional commissions in promoting the principles of inclusive society, enshrined in the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities


Author(s):  
D. P. Novikov

The article is devoted to the problems of the development of modern relations of Russia, China and the  Pacific states of Latin America. Author focuses on potential of cooperation of these states in multilateral  formats and dialogues and the reform of the economic and institutional order in the Asia-Pacific. The  relevance of such cooperation is increasing due to the crisis of the international order that has emerged  in the Asia-Pacific region. This crisis manifests itself in two aspects. First, we may observe a certain lack  of institutions of regulation of economic relations and ideas for their further development. Such a  complex agenda is shaped by Russia and China in relation to Eurasia (the concept of “Greater Eurasia”),  but the promotion of a similar agenda in the APEC faces many contradictions. Second, the Asia-Pacific region is becoming an area of confrontation between the United States and China, which is also  manifested in the struggle for the future configuration of the regional order in the region. The Pacific  countries of Latin America were not affected by either the Russian or Chinese mega-initiatives of recent  years, which are aimed precisely at creating a new international order. Meanwhile, these countries are  APEC members and participants in many regional initiatives, as well as potentially significant economic  partners for both Russia and China. Moreover, the author believes that a similar level of economic  development and similar needs objectively bring together the views and approaches of the leading  Eurasian powers and the Pacific states of Latin America to the development of multilateral institutions of  the regional order. However, the historically established institutional and political linkage of these  countries to the United States currently determines their support for American initiatives. This provision, however, is not a given, and some irregularity of the American regional policy under the Trump  administration makes the development of dialogue with these countries on the broad problems of  multilateral cooperation in Eurasia and the Asia-Pacific region even more in demand. The author  considers the proposed analysis and some conclusions as an opportunity for academic and expert  discussion on the identified issues. 


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