Relationship of Prosocial Moral Reasoning to Altruism, Political Liberalism, and Intelligence.

1979 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Eisenberg-Berg
1975 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 491-506 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheldon Goldman

In an earlier study of voting behavior of U.S. appeals courts judges, attitudinal patterns were investigated along with an analysis of the relationship of judges' backgrounds to their decisions. In this revisit, the earlier findings were treated as hypotheses and tested with a new case population covering a subsequent and longer time period. In all, 2,115 cases decided nonunanimously were coded on one or more issues. Most cases could be classified under ten broad issue categories which were then utilized for most of the analyses. Although the research design was similar to that of the earlier study, a wider variety of methods was employed including nonparametric and parametric intercorrelations of voting behavior on the ten issues and stepwise multiple regression and partial correla-tion analyses of seven background variables and their relationships to voting behavior on the issues. The principal findings were similar to those found earlier but it was possible to map voting behavior with some-what more precision and to uncover some unexpected relationships such as those concerning the potency of the age variable particularly for voting on political liberalism issues.


1989 ◽  
Vol 65 (3_suppl2) ◽  
pp. 1171-1174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory L. Little ◽  
Kenneth D. Robinson

115 convicted male DUI offenders were treated with Moral Reconation Therapy during their incarceration. Postrelease recidivism status (arrests) was correlated with the pretest, posttest, and change scores on the MacAndrew Alcoholism Scale, Sensation Seeking Scale, Life-purpose scores, and Moral Reasoning scores. Analysis showed that recidivism correlated positively and significantly with the pretest scores on the MacAndrew scale and approached significance with both pre- and posttest scores on the Sensation Seeking Scale. Recidivism status correlated negatively and significantly with scores on the highest levels of moral reasoning (Scale 6 pretest and posttest and Principled Reasoning pretest).


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-249
Author(s):  
Rose Mary Hayden Lemmons ◽  

The crisis of democracy unfolding in the United States was identified by John Paul II as due to misunderstanding the relationship of truth and freedom. This crisis has grown worse due to a libertinism that sees objective moral truths as impositions on both free choice and fulfilling relationships, that identifies self-fulfillment with a self-creation in which one creates one’s own values, that seeks to build democracies apart from moral objectivity, and that dismisses the relevance of God for living well. I argue that democracy cannot survive these libertine errors and that they cannot be successfully countered by utilitarianism, Rawls’s political liberalism, or democratic proceduralism. Survival requires adopting the Thomistic personalism formulated by Aquinas and developed by Karol Wojtyła as indispensable for understanding those lived experiences through which one encounters the ethical moment of self-determination, achieves moral objectivity, avoids loneliness by loving truly, and seeks—via collaboration with women exercising their feminine genius for discerning the welfare of others—the common good, without which democracies collapse into atheistic tyranny.


Author(s):  
Henry Richardson

Resisting some of the leading conceptions of joint moral reasoning prominent in the philosophical tradition, such as Kant’s kingdom of ends and Habermas’s discourse ethics, because they are too idealized to be useful in understanding joint, socially embodied reasoning, this chapter sets out from a simple understanding of reasoning, centered on the idea of responsibly conducted thinking. It does so to support the book’s account of the moral community’s moral authority, which invokes the possibility of joint, socially embodied reasoning at three distinct levels. Reconciling the idea of reasoning to that of social embodiment requires reconsideration of the relationship of reason to power or empowerment, which can be helpful to reasoning, as well as inimical to it. Generality and inclusiveness are central virtues of the socially embodied reasoning considered here, and violence, epistemic injustice, and a lack of mutually attuned, open-minded responsiveness some of its most serious vices.


2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 246-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Matias Kivikangas ◽  
Jan-Erik Lönnqvist ◽  
Niklas Ravaja

Abstract. In moral foundations research, two single-item measures of political orientation – with anchors labeled “liberal-conservative” or “left-right” – have been alternatively used. Using a Finnish representative sample, we employed both measures. High conservatism was associated with binding foundations (loyalty, authority, and sanctity), while the associations with the individualizing foundations (harm and fairness) were practically zero. By contrast, the left-right dimension was not associated with the sanctity foundation, but was associated with all other foundations. The measures of political orientation were interchangeable only for fairness; harm was more strongly associated with the left-right dimension, and all binding foundations were more strongly associated with the liberal-conservative dimension. This suggests that at least in some countries, the liberal-conservative and left-right measures are not interchangeable.


Author(s):  
Nagalia Shubhra

Today, the world over a debate is going on regarding the usefulness of the forms of democracy that different states have adopted over time. The meaning and associations with the concept of democracy and its attendant political forms have changed at critical points in history. These changes have been attributed both to, evolutionary and revolutionary impulses that have expanded or transformed the ways in which democracy and the relationship of its political forms with the people had been primarily understood. The most enduring association of democracy with freedom and equality is a historical product that came into being with the onset of capitalism with its philosophical basis in political liberalism. The dominance of capitalist liberal democracy has given such stability to this association that “democracy” can no longer be imagined in any other political imaginary and that its associated meanings of freedom and equality are self-evident and inherent not only to the concept itself but to capitalism. The paper interrogates such ahistorical understanding of the concept of democracy and recuperates the radical history of contentions over its meanings and its most abiding political form i. e. constitutional democracy. The transcendence of national boundaries towards a global citizenship has put a strain on the fundamental operative terrain of constitutional democracy. The values of freedom and equality laid out in the Constitution premised on a liberal contract are more undermined today, than ever before with transnational capital and global citizenship breaking the bounds of constitutional purview. This has brought the concept and political forms of constitutional democracy into a state of crisis today. Can re-looking at the past traces of suppressed contentions over the meaning and forms of democracy give us any insight as to how we can work through the constitutional crisis today? If the meaning and associations with democracy is not eternal but historical, can we bring it them within other political imaginaries?


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