scholarly journals Modern Siberian dog ancestry was shaped by several thousand years of Eurasian-wide trade and human dispersal

2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (39) ◽  
pp. e2100338118
Author(s):  
Tatiana R. Feuerborn ◽  
Alberto Carmagnini ◽  
Robert J. Losey ◽  
Tatiana Nomokonova ◽  
Arthur Askeyev ◽  
...  

Dogs have been essential to life in the Siberian Arctic for over 9,500 y, and this tight link between people and dogs continues in Siberian communities. Although Arctic Siberian groups such as the Nenets received limited gene flow from neighboring groups, archaeological evidence suggests that metallurgy and new subsistence strategies emerged in Northwest Siberia around 2,000 y ago. It is unclear if the Siberian Arctic dog population was as continuous as the people of the region or if instead admixture occurred, possibly in relation to the influx of material culture from other parts of Eurasia. To address this question, we sequenced and analyzed the genomes of 20 ancient and historical Siberian and Eurasian Steppe dogs. Our analyses indicate that while Siberian dogs were genetically homogenous between 9,500 to 7,000 y ago, later introduction of dogs from the Eurasian Steppe and Europe led to substantial admixture. This is clearly the case in the Iamal-Nenets region (Northwestern Siberia) where dogs from the Iron Age period (∼2,000 y ago) possess substantially less ancestry related to European and Steppe dogs than dogs from the medieval period (∼1,000 y ago). Combined with findings of nonlocal materials recovered from these archaeological sites, including glass beads and metal items, these results indicate that Northwest Siberian communities were connected to a larger trade network through which they acquired genetically distinctive dogs from other regions. These exchanges were part of a series of major societal changes, including the rise of large-scale reindeer pastoralism ∼800 y ago.

Antiquity ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 80 (310) ◽  
pp. 843-859 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophie Legrand

The Minusinsk Basin is located where China, Mongolia, Siberia and Kazakhstan meet. Enclosed, but broad, and rich in copper and other minerals, the valley offers missing links between the prehistory of China and that of the greater Russian steppes. In the late Bronze Age the material from Minusinsk was important for the origins of bronze metallurgy in China, and in the Iron Age the area was a focus for the development of that equestrian mobility which was to become the elite way of life for much of the Eurasian steppe for more than a millennium.We are privileged to publish the following two papers deriving from research at the Institute for the History of Material Culture at Saint Petersburg, which give us the story so far on the archaeology of this remarkable place. In The emergence of the Karasuk culture Sophie Legrand discusses the people who occupied the Minusinsk Basin in the Bronze Age, and in The emergence of the Tagar culture, Nikolai Bokovenko introduces us to their successors, the horsemen and barrow-builders of the first millennium BCE.


Author(s):  
Matthew C. Reilly

This chapter explores socioeconomic interactions between “Poor Whites” or “Redlegs” and Afro-Barbadians as interpreted through material culture and a particular reading of a Barbadian plantation landscape. The tenantry of Below Cliff, now shrouded in dense forest, is located on the “rab” land or marginal zone of Clifton Hall plantation deemed unsuitable for large-scale agricultural production. Despite the marginality of the space in terms of plantation production and a perceived socioeconomic isolation of island “poor whites” in general, Below Cliff was a space of heightened interracial interaction. I argue that such seemingly marginal spaces (as well as the people who inhabit them) are significant arenas through which to explore the dynamic and nuanced race relations that play out in everyday life on and around the plantation. While plantation slavery was crucial in the development of modern racial ideologies and hierarchies, including attempts to rigidly impose and police racial boundaries, archaeological evidence suggests that on the local level these boundaries were exceedingly porous.


Author(s):  
Stephen Rippon

In his review of South East Britain in the later Iron Age, Hill (2007, 16) observed that ‘Since the 1980s, little attention has been given to large-scale social explanations and narratives in British Iron Age archaeology. Debates over core–periphery models, the interpretation of hillforts, and the nature of social organization, were—for good reason—eclipsed by a focus on the symbolic meanings of space, structured deposition, and ritual.’ He goes on to argue that British archaeology is in need of more ‘straightforward storyboards’ around which data can be arranged (Hill 2007, 16), and Brudenell (2012, 52) has similarly noted how ‘close-grained understandings have often been won at the expense of broader pictures . . . [and that] with a few exceptions, recent approaches have atomized the study of later prehistoric society, focussing on the specifics of the local social milieu at the expense of broader scales of social analysis’. There have been some ‘big picture’ studies—most notably Cunliffe’s (1974; 1978; 1991; 2005) Iron Age Communities in Britain—but all too often studies of this period have focused on specific counties, types of site, or artefact, and it is noticeable how little systematic mapping of data there was in three recent collections of papers (Gwilt and Haselgrove 1997; Haselgrove and Moore 2007; Haselgrove and Pope 2007). This study, in contrast, aims to shed light on one important ‘storyboard’: the territorial structures within which communities built their landscapes. The written history of Britain begins in the first century BC when we first get insights into its political and territorial arrangements, although as this was a period when the island was becoming embroiled in the political instability caused by the expansion of the Roman world, the trends seen then may not reflect the longer-term patterns of territorial stability or instability that preceded it. In 54 BC, for example, Caesar describes how his major opponents were a civitas (usually translated as ‘tribe’) who had recently surpassed the neighbouring Trinovantes as the paramount group in South East Britain (Gallic War, 20–1; Dunnett 1975, 8; Moore 2011).


2018 ◽  
pp. 59-68
Author(s):  
Виктор Федорович Зайберт ◽  
Алан Оутрам

В статье кратко изложены основные результаты и перспективные направления изучения ботайской культуры коллективом Международной комплексной казахстанско-британской археологической экспедиции. Особое внимание в статье уделено освещению большой работы, проведенной западными учеными под руководством Алана Оутрама на поселении Ботай по анализу археозоологических, химико-физических и биологических источников из культурного слоя памятника. Библиографические ссылки 1. Зайберт В.Ф. Ботайская культура. Алматы: «КазАкпарат», 2009. 576 с. 2. Захарук Ю.Н. Историзм: проблемы археологии и этнографии // Историзм археологии: методические проблемы: тез. докл. конф. М., 1976. С. 6-10. 3. Левин М. Истоки конного хозяйства на евразийской степи // Поздняя доисторическая эксплуатация евразийской степи. Левин М., Рассамакин Ю., Кисленко А., Татаринцева Н. (ред.). Кембридж: Институт Макдональда, 1999. С. 5-58. 4. Левин М. Изучение критериев раннего приручения лошадей // Следы предков: исследования в честь Колина Ренфрю. Джонс М. (изд.). Кембридж: Институт Макдональда, 2004. С. 115-26. 5. Массон В.М. Основные направления культурно-исторического процесса // Становление производства в эпоху энеолита и бронзы: по материалам Южного Туркменистана. М.: «Наука», 1981. С. 35-48. 6. Токарев С.А. Проблемы типов этнических общностей (к методологическим проблемам этнографии) // Вопросы философии. 1964. № 11. С. 48-59. 7. Хотинский Н.А. Голоцен Северной Евразии: опыт трансконтинентальной корреляции этапов развития растительности и климата (К X Конгрессу YNAUA (Великобритания, 1977); 8). М.: «Наука», 1977. С. 13-16. 8. Чубарьян А.О. Опыт мировой истории и идеологии обновления // Всеобщая история: дискуссии, новые подходы. М., 1989. Вып. 1. С. 7-17. 9. Arnaud F., Poulenard J., Giguet-Covex C., Wilhelm B., Révillon S., Jenny J.P., Revel M., Enters D., Bajard M., Fouinat L., Doyen E. Erosion under climate and human pressures: An alpine lake sediment perspective // Quaternary Science Reviews. 2016. 152. P. 1-18. 10. Bendrey R. New methods for the identification of evidence for bitting on horse remains from archaeological sites // JAS. 2007. 34 (7). P. 1036-1050. 11. French C., Kousoulakou M. Geomorphological and micromorphological investigations of palaeosols, valley sediments and a sunken floored dwelling at Botai, Kazakhstan // Levine M.A., Renfrew C., Boyle K.V. (eds). Prehistoric Steppe Adaptation and the Horse. Cambridge: McDonald Institute, 2003. P. 105-114. 12. Jones M.A., Hunt H.A., Kneale C.A., Lightfoot E.M., Lister D.I., Liu X.I., Motuzaite-Matuzeviciute G.I. Food globalisation in prehistory: The agrarian foundations of an interconnected continent // Journal of the British Academy. 2016. 4. P. 73-87. 13. O’Connell T., Levine M., Hedges R. The importance of fish in the diet of Central Eurasian peoples from the Mesolithic to the Early Iron Age // Levine M., Renfrew C., Boyle K. (eds) Prehistoric Steppe Adaptation and the Horse. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, 2003. P. 253-268. 14. Olsen S.A., Bradley B., Maki D., Outram A. Community organization among Copper Age sedentary horse pastoralists of Kazakhstan // Peterson D.L., Popova L.M., Smith A.T. (eds) Beyond the steppe and the sown: Proceedings of the 2002 University ofChicago Conference on Eurasian Archaeology. Leiden: Brill, 2006. P. 89-111. 15. Outram A.K., Stear N. A., Bendrey R., Olsen S., Kasparov A., Zaibert V., Thorpe N., Evershed R.P. The earliest horse harnessing and milking // Science. 2009. 323 (5919). P. 1332-1335. 16. Outram A.K. Animal Domestications // Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology and Anthropology of Hunter-Gatherers. Cumming V., Jordan P., Zvelebil M. (eds). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014. P. 749-763. 17. Outram A.K. Pastoralism // The Cambridge World History, Vol. II: A World with Agriculture, 12,000 BCE – 500 CE. Barker G., Goucher C. (eds). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. P. 161-185. 18. Seetah K., Cucchi T., Dobney K., Barker G. A geometric morphometric re-evaluation of the use of dental form to explore population differences in horses (Equus caballus) and its potential zooarchaeological application // JAS. 2014. 41. P. 904-910. 19. Stear N.A. Changing patterns of animal exploitation in the prehistoric Eurasian steppe: an integrated molecular, stable isotope and archaeological approach. Unpublished PhD Thesis. University of Bristol, 2008.


Author(s):  
Valter Lang

This chapter examines Iron Age funerary and domestic archaeological sites, and economic and cultural developments from c.500 BC–AD 550/600, in the east Baltic region (present day Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania). While the early pre-Roman Iron Age was to some extent a continuation of the late Bronze Age in material culture terms, many changes took place in the late pre-Roman Iron Age. At the change of era, new cultural trends spread over the east Baltic region, from the south-eastern shore of the Baltic to south-west Finland, which produced a remarkable unification of material culture over this entire region up to the Migration period. Differences in burial practices and ceramics, however, indicate the existence of two distinct ethnic groups, Proto-Finnic in the northern part of the region and Proto-Baltic to the south. Subsistence was based principally on agriculture and stock rearing, with minor variations in the economic orientation of different areas.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco V. García Quintela ◽  
A. César Gonzalez-Garcia

Despite their elusiveness, the people referred to as “Celts” by ancient chroniclers left behind certain archaeological remains that may be interepreted from the perspective of archaeoastronomy in an attempt to discover a calendrical “root” for them. In recent years, a number of studies on Late Iron Age sites, Roman or romanised locations and Christian landscapes in Hispania and in Gaul raised the possibility of detecting physical evidence of the celestial concepts that some classical authors attributed to the Celtic mystics, the Druids. However, these studies dealt with certain key aspects of how the Celts organised time that are not generally known and which tend to be presented in a summary way. Here, we explore aspects such as the difficulty of referring to a "Celtic calendar" per se, the sources for our study, the difficulties of adjusting the cycles of the Sun and Moon, the role of the “horizon calendars” and how these aspects may have played a role in actions that left a physical footprint that can still be seen today at several archaeological sites. We show that, although there may be common aspects that connect all Celtic sites and areas, there was no common calendar as such, although there are solid indications of the usage of a shared time-reckoning system.


1993 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. E. G. Sutton

The main interlacustrine kingdoms have been presented, on the evidence of their royal genealogies recalling up to thirty reigns, as stretching back to a ‘Chwezi’ period some five centuries ago. This view was promoted especially in the Kitara zone, comprising Bunyoro and regions to its south and, as a close linguistic grouping, extending to Nkore, Karagwe and Buhaya. Rwanda to the south-west and Buganda to the east, though each rather distinct, share some of the same cultural and traditional features. In the central Kitara zone it has been further argued that the ‘Chwezi’ period is represented by various impressive archaeological sites – hilltop shrines, notably at Mubende, with special and archaic objects; complex earthwork enclosures at Bigo and elsewhere; and the concentrated settlement nearby at Ntusi. Certain of these have been claimed as Chwezi royal capitals of ancient Kitara, and specific features have been compared with royal abodes of recent centuries. Such literal interpretation, let alone royalist manipulation, of oral traditions is now considered too simplistic; not only are the Chwezi generally regarded as gods or mythical heroes, but also the role of archaeology is now seen as something more positive than the mere verification of verbal evidence.Renewed archaeological research indicates that Ntusi was occupied from about the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries a.d. and that the earthworks, including Bigo, and the settlement on Mubende hill fall into the latter half of that span. This cultural grouping thrived on a combination of cattle-keeping and grain cultivation, as is especially clear at Ntusi on fertile ground in the midst of the Bwera grasslands. It may have been the growing strains of a delicately balanced economy as competition increased for cattle and the pastures which led to its eventual breakdown. During the last half-millennium Bwera has been a peripheral and lightly populated district between Bunyoro, Nkore and Buganda. It is difficult to imagine these later kingdoms developing directly out of a supposed ‘Chwezi’ one based at Ntusi and the Bigo constructions.Two periods of marked change are discernible therefore, one around the middle of this millennium, the other at its beginning. That earlier, mid-Iron Age, revolution witnessed the introduction of cattle on a large scale and the first intensive exploitation of the interlacustrine grasslands. Cattle becoming then an economic asset, it may be inferred that ownership of stock and defence of the pastures became sources of prestige and patronage, with obvious social, political and military implications. This situation opened opportunities for other specializations, including the production of salt for distant distribution. Traditions concerning gods and heroes, and the continuing popular chwezi cults, illustrate the changes and may also echo the cultural and economic importance of iron and its working among agricultural populations from before the pastoral revolution.


Author(s):  
Yakov B. Berezin ◽  

The discussed materials originate from burials No. 2 and 5 of mound 1 of the Nezlobnensky-6 burial mound, investigated in 2006 by the expedition of the NASLEDIE (Stavropol). The documentation stored in the archive of the Institute of Archaeology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, as well as diary entries and field photography of the author were used in the publication. Results. The funeral rite of the burials and gravegoods are described in detail and analyzed in the main part of the publication. The finds were dated, their place among the archaeological cultures of the peoples who inhabited the Central Pre-Caucasus in the Early Iron Age was determined. A circle of analogies is given among synchronous archaeological sites, both in the central Pre-Caucasus and in adjacent territories. Conclusion. Burial 2 dates from the III-I centuries BC and is associated with the culture of the pre-Caucasian Sarmatians, presumably the Sirak tribal union. This type of graves was identified by archaeologists in the middle of the XX century and since then their number has been steadily increasing. Burial 5 is also dated to Sarmatian period, but earlier than burial 2. It belongs to the IV century BC and is a rather rare form of burial, a collective military grave. It is likely that all the people buried there died at the same time, as a result of a military conflict.


2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fraser Hunter ◽  
Martin Carruthers

The main recommendations of the panel report can be summarised under five key headings:  Building blocks: The ultimate aim should be to build rich, detailed and testable narratives situated within a European context, and addressing phenomena from the longue durée to the short-term over international to local scales. Chronological control is essential to this and effective dating strategies are required to enable generation-level analysis. The ‘serendipity factor’ of archaeological work must be enhanced by recognising and getting the most out of information-rich sites as they appear. o There is a pressing need to revisit the archives of excavated sites to extract more information from existing resources, notably through dating programmes targeted at regional sequences – the Western Isles Atlantic roundhouse sequence is an obvious target. o Many areas still lack anything beyond the baldest of settlement sequences, with little understanding of the relations between key site types. There is a need to get at least basic sequences from many more areas, either from sustained regional programmes or targeted sampling exercises. o Much of the methodologically innovative work and new insights have come from long-running research excavations. Such large-scale research projects are an important element in developing new approaches to the Iron Age.  Daily life and practice: There remains great potential to improve the understanding of people’s lives in the Iron Age through fresh approaches to, and integration of, existing and newly-excavated data. o House use. Rigorous analysis and innovative approaches, including experimental archaeology, should be employed to get the most out of the understanding of daily life through the strengths of the Scottish record, such as deposits within buildings, organic preservation and waterlogging. o Material culture. Artefact studies have the potential to be far more integral to understandings of Iron Age societies, both from the rich assemblages of the Atlantic area and less-rich lowland finds. Key areas of concern are basic studies of material groups (including the function of everyday items such as stone and bone tools, and the nature of craft processes – iron, copper alloy, bone/antler and shale offer particularly good evidence). Other key topics are: the role of ‘art’ and other forms of decoration and comparative approaches to assemblages to obtain synthetic views of the uses of material culture. o Field to feast. Subsistence practices are a core area of research essential to understanding past society, but different strands of evidence need to be more fully integrated, with a ‘field to feast’ approach, from production to consumption. The working of agricultural systems is poorly understood, from agricultural processes to cooking practices and cuisine: integrated work between different specialisms would assist greatly. There is a need for conceptual as well as practical perspectives – e.g. how were wild resources conceived? o Ritual practice. There has been valuable work in identifying depositional practices, such as deposition of animals or querns, which are thought to relate to house-based ritual practices, but there is great potential for further pattern-spotting, synthesis and interpretation. Iron Age Scotland: ScARF Panel Report v  Landscapes and regions:  Concepts of ‘region’ or ‘province’, and how they changed over time, need to be critically explored, because they are contentious, poorly defined and highly variable. What did Iron Age people see as their geographical horizons, and how did this change?  Attempts to understand the Iron Age landscape require improved, integrated survey methodologies, as existing approaches are inevitably partial.  Aspects of the landscape’s physical form and cover should be investigated more fully, in terms of vegetation (known only in outline over most of the country) and sea level change in key areas such as the firths of Moray and Forth.  Landscapes beyond settlement merit further work, e.g. the use of the landscape for deposition of objects or people, and what this tells us of contemporary perceptions and beliefs.  Concepts of inherited landscapes (how Iron Age communities saw and used this longlived land) and socal resilience to issues such as climate change should be explored more fully.  Reconstructing Iron Age societies. The changing structure of society over space and time in this period remains poorly understood. Researchers should interrogate the data for better and more explicitly-expressed understandings of social structures and relations between people.  The wider context: Researchers need to engage with the big questions of change on a European level (and beyond). Relationships with neighbouring areas (e.g. England, Ireland) and analogies from other areas (e.g. Scandinavia and the Low Countries) can help inform Scottish studies. Key big topics are: o The nature and effect of the introduction of iron. o The social processes lying behind evidence for movement and contact. o Parallels and differences in social processes and developments. o The changing nature of houses and households over this period, including the role of ‘substantial houses’, from crannogs to brochs, the development and role of complex architecture, and the shift away from roundhouses. o The chronology, nature and meaning of hillforts and other enclosed settlements. o Relationships with the Roman world


Author(s):  
Hanan Charaf

The beginning of the Iron Age in the Levant has been for the past three decades the focus of intense studies and debates. The main reason that had triggered this interest is the turmoil characterizing the end of the Late Bronze Age coupled with the migration of newcomers dubbed the “Sea People” to the coastal Levant. This phenomenon has been studied to a length in the southern Levant where evidence of destructions followed by a new culture is attested on many coastal sites. However, in neighboring Lebanon, few studies focused on this period mainly due to the paucity of archaeological sites dating to the end of the Late Bronze Age/beginning of the Iron Age. In recent years, remains uncovered at major sites such as Tell Arqa (Irqata of the Amarna Tablets), Sarepta, Tyre, or Kamid el-Loz (Kumidi of the Amarna Tablets) gave no evidence for destructions at the end of the Late Bronze Age in this country. On the contrary, the architectural and material culture found at sites such as Tell Arqa and Sarepta points to a smooth transition from the Late Bronze Age to the Iron Age. While the exposed architecture is usually flimsy and is characterized by a widespread use of pits and silos (a phenomenon equally observed on other neighboring sites such as Tell Afis in Syria or Tell Tayinat in Turkey), the pottery still retains old characteristics; yet integrated into a few new shapes and fabrics. The patterns of archaism observed in the material cultural in Lebanon challenges the established understanding of the Iron Age I in the southern Levant where it is characterized as a period of turmoil and transformation.This presentation analyses the architectural and material characteristics of the end of the Late Bronze Age I/beginning of the Iron Age I in Lebanon with the aim at isolating both local characteristics and regional influences.


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