Clitic omission, null objects or both in the acquisition of European Portuguese?

Author(s):  
João Costa ◽  
Maria Lobo
Probus ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
João Costa ◽  
Maria Lobo ◽  
Carolina Silva

Probus ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Esther Rinke ◽  
Cristina Flores ◽  
Pilar Barbosa

AbstractThis paper investigates object omissions in the spontaneous production of European Portuguese by second-generation Portuguese-German bilingual speakers and compares them to first-generation migrants, and two age-matched groups of monolingual speakers. The results show that bilingual speakers as well as the younger generation of monolinguals show a higher number of null objects in their speech than the two older generations. This may reflect an inter-generational development that favours null objects, which is independent of language contact. The analysis of the syntactic and semantic conditions determining the occurrence of null objects in the speech of the different groups reveals that the semantic properties of the null objects realized by the bilinguals, particularly the higher rates of animate and non-propositional null objects, show that they extend the semantic-pragmatic conditions of null object realization along a referential hierarchy. The bilingual speakers may reflect a language-internal pathway that appears to resemble a diachronic change observed in BP.


Probus ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
João Costa ◽  
Maria Lobo ◽  
Fernanda Pratas

AbstractOmission of clitics is often considered a critical marker of language development in children. For this reason, clitic omission in language development has been studied crosslinguistically. Results on clitic production reveal that languages differ with respect to the rates at which clitics are omitted by children, as well as on the duration of the clitic omission stages. This paper compares clitic omission by monolingual and bilingual children acquiring European Portuguese – a language with both clitics and null objects – and Capeverdean Creole – a language with clitics in which null objects are ruled out. We show that omission is only found in monolingual Portuguese, and in bilingual Capeverdean. These results confirm earlier findings on the precocious sensitivity to the availability of null objects, and signal object drop as a critical distinguishing factor for differentiating bilinguals and monolinguals.


Author(s):  
Anna Gavarró

The Romance languages are characterized by the existence of pronominal clitics. Third person pronominal clitics are often, but not always, homophonous with the definite determiner series in the same language. Both pronominal and determiner clitics emerge early in child acquisition, but their path of development varies depending on clitic type and language. While determiner clitic acquisition is quite homogeneous across Romance, there is wide cross-linguistic variation for pronominal clitics (accusative vs. partitive vs. dative, first/second person vs. third person); the observed differences in acquisition correlate with syntactic differences between the pronouns. Acquisition of pronominal clitics is also affected if a language has both null objects and object clitics, as in European Portuguese. The interpretation of Romance pronominal clitics is generally target-like in child grammar, with absence of Pronoun Interpretation problems like those found in languages with strong pronouns. Studies on developmental language impairment show that, as in typical development, clitic production is subject to cross-linguistic variation. The divergent performance between determiners and pronominals in this population points to the syntactic (as opposed to phonological) nature of the deficit.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 173-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mayara Nicolau De Paula

Com base na Teoria de Princípios e Parâmetros (CHOMSKY, 1995), apresento uma análise diacrônica das interrogativas-Q do Português Europeu (PE) seguida de uma comparação com as mesmas estruturas no Português Brasileiro (PB). Paralelamente, faço uma breve análise dos padrões de interrogativas-Q em entrevistas sociolinguísticas gravadas em dois momentos (anos 1970/80 e 2010). A hipótese inicial, a partir de descrições recentes de base teórica, era a de que a ordem QVS no PE seria a mais frequente, enquanto a ordem QSV estaria sempre condicionada à presença da clivagem. Sujeitos de 1ª. e 2ª. pessoas bem como os anafóricos seriam preferencialmente nulos no PE, um sistema descrito como de sujeito nulo consistente. Nesse aspecto, o PE teria um comportamento diferente do PB, que perdeu a ordem QVS, hoje atestada apenas em estruturas com verbos inacusativos, desde que o sujeito seja um DP lexical, uma mudança paralela à remarcação do valor do Parâmetro do Sujeito Nulo no PB. A amostra analisada para o estudo diacrônico é constituída de peças portuguesas escritas ao longo dos séculos 19 e 20, comparável à amostra brasileira que nos serve de ponto comparação. No caso das entrevistas sociolinguísticas, foram utilizadas as amostras NURC e Concordância para o PB, e Cordial-Sin e Concordância para o PE. A metodologia para o tratamento dos dados segue o modelo variacionista (TAGLIAMONTE, 2006; GUY E ZILLES, 2007). Os resultados mostram que o PE prefere o padrão QV, com sujeitos nulos; quanto aos sujeitos expressos, a ordem QVS é o padrão preferido; observamos, no entanto, uma curva descendente no último quartel do século 20, sugerindo o início de uma competição com QSV, desencadeada pela entrada da clivagem, a partir da segunda metade do século 19. Uma vez introduzida no sistema, a clivagem se expande para os três padrões de interrogativas-Q, o que é confrmado pelos dados da fala contemporânea.


Author(s):  
Norma Schifano

Chapter 3 extends the investigation of verb placement to other Romance varieties, in order to expand the macro- and micro-typologies identified in Chapter 2. It starts with a description of the placement of the present indicative verb across a selection of varieties of French, Romanian, Spanish, Catalan, European Portuguese, and Brazilian Portuguese. Following the methodology of Chapter 2, the remainder of the discussion is devoted to the description of cases of microvariation attested across the varieties above, which emerge once a selection of structural and interpretative distinctions are considered, such as lexical and auxiliary verbs, ‘have’ and ‘be’ auxiliaries, finite and non-finite verbs (cf. participle and infinitive), as well as a selection of modally, temporally, and aspectually marked forms (e.g. subjunctive, conditional, past, future, imperfect).


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 219-245
Author(s):  
Rosa Vallejos ◽  
Evelyn Fernández-Lizárraga ◽  
Haley Patterson

AbstractThis study analyzes the instantiation of objects in Peruvian Amazonian Spanish (PAS) discourse in two communities with distinct linguistic contexts. We examine the impact of two social variables (gender and place) and nine linguistic variables (transitivity, animacy, definiteness, anaphora function, anaphora expression, cataphora function, cataphora expression, activation, topic persistence) on the speech of eight participants. Our findings indicate that null instantiation in PAS is pervasive, occurring with a range of verb lexemes. While neither gender nor place are significant predictors of null objects, various linguistic variables contribute to the instantiation of objects. The five significant variables as determined by a mixed model regression analysis include the following: animacy, definiteness, anaphora expression, cataphora expression, and activation status. Several findings are consistent with previous research (e. g. human and definite referents disfavor null objects), while other results differ (e. g. PAS propositions disfavor null objects). Activation status and anaphora expression are the most significant predictors of null objects in PAS. In particular, highly accessible referents in discourse and anaphoric null objects favored null objects in subsequent clauses. Thus, the results in the present study demonstrate the pivotal role of information structure in object instantiation, furthering the discussion on syntax-discourse interplay phenomena.


2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (11-12) ◽  
pp. 925-952 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paula Martins ◽  
Inês Carbone ◽  
Alda Pinto ◽  
Augusto Silva ◽  
António Teixeira

PLoS ONE ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (12) ◽  
pp. e0209852 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rute Canejo-Teixeira ◽  
Pedro Armelim Almiro ◽  
James A. Serpell ◽  
Luís V. Baptista ◽  
Maria M. R. E. Niza

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