Priming Maltese plurals

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-97
Author(s):  
Jessica Nieder ◽  
Ruben van de Vijver ◽  
Holger Mitterer
Keyword(s):  
Reaction Time ◽  
Priming Effect ◽  
Morphological Processing ◽  
Mechanism Model ◽  
Phonological Structure ◽  
Single Mechanism ◽  
Broken Plurals

Abstract We investigate the storage and processing of sound and broken plural forms in the Maltese lexicon by means of a cross-modal priming study. The results show no significant differences in reaction time between sound and broken plurals, but indicate a different priming effect for sound than for broken plurals. We argue that the different priming effect is a result of the phonological overlap between sound singulars and their corresponding plurals forms, while broken singulars and their plurals do not share the same phonological structure. Our results support a single-mechanism model of morphological processing in which both frequency of pattern and morphophonological similarity interact.

The Level of Reaction Time Determines the ERP Correlates of Auditory Negative Priming

2006 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 186-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanne Mayr ◽  
Michael Niedeggen ◽  
Axel Buchner ◽  
Guido Orgs
Keyword(s):  
Reaction Time ◽  
Negative Priming ◽  
Effect Size ◽  
Priming Effect ◽  
Reaction Times ◽  
Negative Priming Effect ◽  
Episodic Retrieval ◽  
Time Level ◽  
Fast Reactions ◽  
Priming Condition

Responding to a stimulus that had to be ignored previously is usually slowed-down (negative priming effect). This study investigates the reaction time and ERP effects of the negative priming phenomenon in the auditory domain. Thirty participants had to categorize sounds as musical instruments or animal voices. Reaction times were slowed-down in the negative priming condition relative to two control conditions. This effect was stronger for slow reactions (above intraindividual median) than for fast reactions (below intraindividual median). ERP analysis revealed a parietally located negativity of the negative priming condition compared to the control conditions between 550-730 ms poststimulus. This replicates the findings of Mayr, Niedeggen, Buchner, and Pietrowsky (2003) . The ERP correlate was more pronounced for slow trials (above intraindividual median) than for fast trials (below intraindividual median). The dependency of the negative priming effect size on the reaction time level found in the reaction time analysis as well as in the ERP analysis is consistent with both the inhibition as well as the episodic retrieval account of negative priming. A methodological artifact explanation of this effect-size dependency is discussed and discarded.

scholarly journals Inflectional Change Patterns in Arabic

2013 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-227
Author(s):  
Maisoun Abu Joudeh ◽  
Sabri Al-Shboul
Keyword(s):  
Inflectional Morphology ◽  
Jordanian Arabic ◽  
Verbal Nouns ◽  
Rule Based ◽  
Loan Words ◽  
Mechanism Model ◽  
Single Mechanism ◽  
Type Frequency ◽  
Schema Model ◽  
Dual Mechanism

Abstract Most approaches to inflectional morphology propose a single-default representation. This research on Jordanian Arabic offers an analysis having more than one default inflection. This is accomplished by showing that unlike previous morphological accounts like the single-mechanism model, dual-mechanism model, and the schema model (cf. Pinker, 1990; Rumelhart & McClelland, 1986; and Bybee, 1985), the current research relies upon the ‘openness’ mechanism to define defaultness. Openness is thus defined as the ability of the inflectional process to accept new forms into a language. The corpus used in this research contains diminutives, verbal nouns, derivatives, and loan words used in JA. Other defining factors are modified in this research, such as regularity (rule-based mechanism) and productivity (type frequency). The findings of this research indicate that there are two possible defaults in Jordanian Arabic ordered in terms of openness: the sound feminine plural and the iambic broken plural. The findings have the implication that a language’s grammar can have a multi-default system.

The dual-mechanism model of inflectional morphology: A connectionist critique

1999 ◽  
Vol 22 (6) ◽  
pp. 1026-1027 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc F. Joanisse ◽  
Todd R. Haskell
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Data ◽  
The Body ◽  
Inflectional Morphology ◽  
Connectionist Models ◽  
Mechanism Model ◽  
Single Mechanism ◽  
Dual Mechanism

Clahsen has added to the body of evidence that, on average, regular and irregular inflected words behave differently. However, the dual-mechanism account he supports predicts a crisp distinction; the empirical data instead suggest a fuzzy one, more in line with single-mechanism connectionist models.

What is the context of prediction?

2013 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 376-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Si On Yoon ◽  
Sarah Brown-Schmidt
Keyword(s):  
Language Processing ◽  
Language Production ◽  
Mechanism Model ◽  
Single Mechanism ◽  
Central Notion ◽  
Dual Mechanism ◽  
Better Than

AbstractWe agree with Pickering & Garrod's (P&G's) claim that theories of language processing must address the interconnection of language production and comprehension. However, we have two concerns: First, the central notion of context when predicting what another person will say is underspecified. Second, it is not clear that P&G's dual-mechanism model captures the data better than a single-mechanism model would.

scholarly journals The Mechanism Underlying Backward Priming in a Lexical Decision Task: Spreading Activation versus Semantic Matching

1998 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 531-560 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorothee J. Chwilla ◽  
Peter Hagoort ◽  
C.M. Brown
Keyword(s):  
Reaction Time ◽  
Lexical Decision ◽  
Lexical Decision Task ◽  
Semantic Priming ◽  
Priming Effect ◽  
Decision Task ◽  
Spreading Activation ◽  
Semantic Matching ◽  
Priming Effects ◽  
Manipulation Experiment

Koriat (1981) demonstrated that an association from the target to a preceding prime, in the absence of an association from the prime to the target, facilitates lexical decision and referred to this effect as “backward priming”. Backward priming is of relevance, because it can provide information about the mechanism underlying semantic priming effects. Following Neely (1991), we distinguish three mechanisms of priming: spreading activation, expectancy, and semantic matching/ integration. The goal was to determine which of these mechanisms causes backward priming, by assessing effects of backward priming on a language-relevant ERP component, the N400, and reaction time (RT). Based on previous work, we propose that the N400 priming effect reflects expectancy and semantic matching/ integration, but in contrast with RT does not reflect spreading activation. Experiment 1 shows a backward priming effect that is qualitatively similar for the N400 and RT in a lexical decision task. This effect was not modulated by an ISI manipulation. Experiment 2 clarifies that the N400 backward priming effect reflects genuine changes in N400 amplitude and cannot be ascribed to other factors. We will argue that these backward priming effects cannot be due to expectancy but are best accounted for in terms of semantic matching/integration.

scholarly journals Morphological processing in nominalizations

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 165-179
Author(s):  
Emma van Lipzig ◽  
Ava Creemers ◽  
Jan Don
Keyword(s):  
Lexical Decision ◽  
Priming Effect ◽  
Alternative Explanation ◽  
Morphological Structure ◽  
Mental Lexicon ◽  
Semantic Relation ◽  
Morphological Processing ◽  
Priming Effects ◽  
Morphological Priming

Abstract A major debate in psycholinguistics concerns the representation of morphological structure in the mental lexicon. We report the results of an auditory primed lexical decision experiment in which we tested whether verbs prime their nominalizations in Dutch. We find morphological priming effects with regular nominalizations (schorsen ‘suspend’ → schorsing ‘suspension’) as well as with irregular nominalizations (schieten ‘shoot’ → schot ‘shot’). On this basis, we claim that, despite the lack of phonological identity between stem and derivation in the case of irregular nominalizations, the morphological relation between the two forms, suffices to evoke a priming effect. However, an alternative explanation, according to which the semantic relation in combination with the phonological overlap accounts for the priming effect, cannot be excluded.

Tense morphology in German agrammatism

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tina Marusch ◽  
Titus von der Malsburg ◽  
Roelien Bastiaanse ◽  
Frank Burchert
Keyword(s):  
Morphological Processing ◽  
Sentence Completion ◽  
Frequency Effect ◽  
Past Participle ◽  
Group Of Seven ◽  
Mechanism Model ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
Agrammatic Aphasia ◽  
Present Tense ◽  
Irregular Verbs

This study investigates tense morphology in agrammatic aphasia and the predictions of two accounts on processing of regular and irregular verbs: the Dual Mechanism model, that is, for aphasic data, the Declarative/Procedural model, and the Single Mechanism approach. The production of regular, irregular and mixed verbs in the present, simple past and past participle (present perfect) was tested in German by means of a sentence completion task with a group of seven speakers with agrammatic aphasia. The results show a difference between regular verbs and irregular verbs. Mixed verbs were equally difficult as irregular verbs. A frequency effect was found for irregular verbs but not for regular and mixed verbs. A significant difference among the correctness scores for present tense and simple past forms was found. Simple past and past participle were significantly more difficult than present tense. Error types were characterized by pure infinitive responses and time reference errors. Neither of the above accounts is sufficient to explain these results. Correctness scores and error patterns for mixed verbs suggest that such minor lexical patterns can be useful in finding new evidence in the debate on morphological processing. The findings also highlight time reference as well as language specific characteristics need to be taken into consideration.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document