Recovering alcoholic

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-135
Author(s):  
Jonas B. Wittke

Abstract This paper examines the competing construals of the phrase recovering alcoholic, which, as a Membership Categorization Device (Sacks 1992), serves to fulfill a commitment to an identity category and at the same time evokes other category-bound activities, often with unintended consequences. Former problem drinkers are routinely referred to by themselves and others as recovering alcoholics, yet they are not ‘recovering’ in the canonical sense of the word, and they participate in a behavior – not drinking – which is a negation of the behavior that originally qualified them as alcoholics. This use of the relatively new identity marker recovering alcoholic may discourage a problem drinker from attempting sobriety, as it implies an unbounded, never-ending period of recovery, unlike recovery from other diseases (and, oddly, unlike the full recovery proffered by Alcoholics Anonymous).

1963 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Austin H. Maccormick

Aside from a few notable exceptions, the "revolving door jails" to which most alcoholic offenders are sent in the United States are a national disgrace. Among their many shortcomings is the almost complete absence of treatment programs for the problem drinker. Moreover, many alcoholics convicted of felonies and sent to state and federal prisons are not easily identifiable as problem drinkers and so do not receive adequate treatment. Until the end of the 1930's, when Alcoholics Anonymous had fully demonstrated its worth, no effective treatment programs for alcoholics were known and available to correctional admin istrators. Today, A.A. has over 400 groups in American prisons and jails, where it has had significant success. Its program has also proved markedly effective with probationers and parolees. This success and our increased understanding of the alcoholic offender offer hope that we may find effective ways of prevent ing, as well as treating, alcoholism and crime when they occur together.


Author(s):  
Ann Weatherall

Conversation analysis is a distinctive approach to research on language and communication that originated with Emanuel Schegloff, Harvey Sacks, and Gail Jefferson. It assumes a systematic order in the minute details of talk as it is used in situ. That orderliness is understood to be the result of shared ways of reasoning and means of doing things. Conversation analytic studies aim to identify and describe how people produce and interpret social interaction. For example, the interpretation and response to the question, “How are you” differs depending on whether it is asked by a doctor in a medical consultation or a friend during a casual conversation. Overwhelmingly, data are naturalistic audio (for telephone-mediated talk) or video recordings (for copresent interactions). The recordings are transcribed using conventions first established by Gail Jefferson. They have been further developed since to better capture features such as crying and multimodality. Specialized notations are used to highlight features of talk such as breathiness, intonation, short silences, and simultaneous speech. Analyses typically examine how everyday actions are done over sequences of two or more turns of talk. Greetings, requests, and complaints are actions that have names; others don’t. Studies may examine a range of linguistic, embodied, and environmental phenomena used in coordinated action. Research has been conducted in a broad range of mundane and institutional settings. Medical interaction is one area where conversation analysis has been most applied, but others include psychotherapy and classroom interaction. A conversation analytic perspective on identity is also distinctive. Typically, approaches to intergroup communication presuppose a priori the importance of social identities such as age, gender, and ethnicity. They are theorized as independent variables that impact language behaviors in predictable and measurable ways. This view strongly resonates with common sense and underpins popular questions about gender-, race- or age-based differences in language use. In contrast, a conversation analytic approach examines social identities only when they are observably and demonstrably relevant to what participants are doing and saying. The relevance of an identity category rests on it being clearly consequential for what is happening in a particular stretch of talk. Conversation analysis approaches identity as a type of membership categorization. The term “member” has ethnomethodological roots that recognizes a person is a member from a cultural group. Categories can be invoked, used and negotiated in the flow of interaction. Membership categorization analysis shows there is a systematic organization to category work in talk. Using conversation analysis and membership categorization analysis, discursive psychology studies how social identity categorizations have relevance to the business at hand. For example, referring to your wife as a “girl” or a “married woman” invokes different inferences about socially acceptable behavior.


1987 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 595-601 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. H. Knouse ◽  
H. G. Schneider

Individuals who had completed an inpatient treatment program for alcoholism within the last three years were sent a survey measuring personality variables, demographic characteristics, aftercare, aftercare involvement, and sobriety. Responses were obtained from 262 individuals who were currently maintaining sobriety. The proportion of time sober since discharge was related to race, low depression, having no previous hospitalizations, aftercare involvement, and marital stability. Continuously sober individuals differed from those who experienced a relapse on the measure of depression but not on measures of assertiveness or anger. Involvement with Alcoholics Anonymous was related to relapse only for recently discharged patients.


2001 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 363-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria G. Swora

The sharing of life stories is the most important social practice among members of Alcoholics Anonymous (AA). Close attention to autobiographic story-telling in AA provides clues as to how AA works to heal alcoholism by creating a community of recovering alcoholics. This paper examines three major ways that AA stories create community. First, in the course of the performance of autobiographic narratives, expert AA speakers allow create social structure between themselves and their audience. Second, proper AA stories are the means by which AA members acquire and maintain their identities as recovering alcoholics. In this manner, story-listening is just as important as story-telling. Third, through the invocation of strong feeling, both tragic and humorous, AA story-tellers create a kind of intimacy based on shared emotion.


2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natasha Shrikant

This study employs membership categorization analysis to illustrate multiple ways that race is constituted as professional identity in two chambers of commerce in a large Texas city. One of the chambers—the Asian American City Chamber of Commerce (AACC)—is explicitly defined in terms of race, while the second—the North City Chamber of Commerce (NCC)—is defined by a particular geographic area locally associated with being White. Analysis of naturally occurring talk in each organization illustrates how members of the AACC overtly discuss racial categories as professional categories. Members of the NCC avoid explicitly talking about race but do implicitly construct a White professional identity. Thus, racial identity and professional identity are constructed as inseparable identity categories in each chamber. Overall, interactions in the AACC and NCC tend to reproduce differences between “minority businesses” and “normal businesses”—understood to be White, but in which White race is invisible—thus contributing to a Texas business community in which Whiteness reigns as the dominant, invisible professional identity category.


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