Some problems of the new unionism in the United States,American Economic Review,June, 1939, pp. 313–324

Labor History ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-99
Author(s):  
Philip Taft
1957 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-371
Author(s):  
Charles A. Gulick

In the final years of the Nineteenth Century, when Sidney and Beatrice Webb crystallized parts of their research and of current thought in the terms “Method of Collective Bargaining” and “Method of Legal Enactment”, the ideas embodied in those terms were the foci of hot debates among working people and their leaders in the greater part of the western world. Gompers and his lieutenants in the adolescent American Federation of Labor (AFL) had convinced themselves that the federal character of the government of the United States plus the power of the judiciary to declare laws unconstitutional formed an insurmountable roadblock to comprehensive, effective use of legal enactment; but the dissenting voices were by no means muted. The leaders of the burgeoning “New Unionism” in England sought to combine more militant collective bargaining with more emphasis on attempts to secure protective legislation - to the evident displeasure of adherents of the aging “New Model”. In France, the infant General Confederation of Labor (CGT) scornfully rejected both of the Webbs' methods in favor of revolutionary syndicalism. And in Germany the workers' movements strode forward uncowed by the stick of Bismarck's anti-Socialist law and unseduced by the carrot of his social legislation.


Author(s):  
Steven Parfitt

Between 1880 and the 1900 the British labour movement started to become a truly mass movement. British, Irish and American Knights all played a role in that transformation. This chapter explores how they, and their calls for the representation of workers of all trades within the labour movement, influenced the rise of the “new unionism” between 1886 and 1891. But this chapter also emphasises the degree to which the British and Irish Knights were undone by opposition from rival trade unions, first the skilled unions and then, as new unions appeared, from them as well. As in the United States, conflict with the unions became a major reason for the decline of the British and Irish Knights.


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 1313-1340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefania Villa

This paper assesses the empirical relevance of financial frictions in the Euro Area (EA) and the United States (US). It provides a comprehensive set of comparisons between two models: (i) a Smets and Wouters (SW) [F. Smets and R. Wouters, Shocks and frictions in US business cycles: A Bayesian DSGE approach, American Economic Review 97(3), 586–606 (2007)] model with financial frictions originating in nonfinancial firms and (ii) a SW model with frictions originating in financial intermediaries. The introduction of financial frictions in either way improves the models' fit compared to a standard SW model, and the empirical comparisons reveal that the latter model outperforms the former both in the euro area and in the United States. Two main factors explain this result: first, the magnitude of the financial accelerator effect, and second, the role of the investment-specific technology shock in affecting financial variables.


Author(s):  
A. Hakam ◽  
J.T. Gau ◽  
M.L. Grove ◽  
B.A. Evans ◽  
M. Shuman ◽  
...  

Prostate adenocarcinoma is the most common malignant tumor of men in the United States and is the third leading cause of death in men. Despite attempts at early detection, there will be 244,000 new cases and 44,000 deaths from the disease in the United States in 1995. Therapeutic progress against this disease is hindered by an incomplete understanding of prostate epithelial cell biology, the availability of human tissues for in vitro experimentation, slow dissemination of information between prostate cancer research teams and the increasing pressure to “ stretch” research dollars at the same time staff reductions are occurring.To meet these challenges, we have used the correlative microscopy (CM) and client/server (C/S) computing to increase productivity while decreasing costs. Critical elements of our program are as follows:1) Establishing the Western Pennsylvania Genitourinary (GU) Tissue Bank which includes >100 prostates from patients with prostate adenocarcinoma as well as >20 normal prostates from transplant organ donors.


Author(s):  
Vinod K. Berry ◽  
Xiao Zhang

In recent years it became apparent that we needed to improve productivity and efficiency in the Microscopy Laboratories in GE Plastics. It was realized that digital image acquisition, archiving, processing, analysis, and transmission over a network would be the best way to achieve this goal. Also, the capabilities of quantitative image analysis, image transmission etc. available with this approach would help us to increase our efficiency. Although the advantages of digital image acquisition, processing, archiving, etc. have been described and are being practiced in many SEM, laboratories, they have not been generally applied in microscopy laboratories (TEM, Optical, SEM and others) and impact on increased productivity has not been yet exploited as well.In order to attain our objective we have acquired a SEMICAPS imaging workstation for each of the GE Plastic sites in the United States. We have integrated the workstation with the microscopes and their peripherals as shown in Figure 1.


2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.


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