Cities and migrant transnational mobilization: a cross-movement and cross-context comparison

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Evren Yalaz ◽  
Seda Aydin ◽  
Eva K. Ostergaard-Nielsen
2003 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Bretherton

Environmental governance may be distinguished from environmental management by the implication that, in the former, some form of participatory process is involved. Here, the focus is upon the potential for women's movements and networks to influence the principles and practices of global environmental governance (GEG). It is contended that, in principle, women are uniquely placed to oppose the dominant norms informing GEG; and that women's participation would, in consequence, be crucial to the achievement of equitable and environmentally sound forms of governance. In practice, however, a number of factors combine to create divisions between women, and hence to impede transnational mobilization by women around environmental issues. This article examines these issues.


2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 380-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANA CAROLINA ALFINITO VIEIRA ◽  
SIGRID QUACK

ABSTRACT While research on episodes of transnational activism has advanced substantially in recent years, our knowledge about how long-term trajectories of cross-border activism affect the formation of national social movements and their capacity to influence domestic institutional change is still limited. This paper addresses this gap by analyzing transnational mobilization around the political and economic rights of indigenous groups in Brazil. We show that early pathways of transnational mobilization generated a set of ideational, organizational and institutional outcomes that enabled previously marginalized actors to shape the directions of institutional change within the country at the time of the Brazilian democratic transition. We identify three initially uncoordinated trajectories of transnational mobilization taking place in the late 1960s and 1970s and show how they converged over time through two social mechanisms - institutional cross-referencing and social networking - to form an increasingly tightly knit inter-sectoral social movement that was capable of influencing institution-building during the period of the National Constitutional Assembly (1978-1988). We conclude with a discussion of the linkages between transnational activism and national social movement formation.


2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Stewart

In the early 1990s, Guatemalan massacre survivors mobilized to demand the exhumation and burial of relatives killed during government repression in the 1980s. Using connections -with transnational activist networks, this local movement successfully implicated not only the Guatemalan government but also important international actors such as the World Bank in the atrocities. In contrast to Keck and Sikkink's boomerang model, which proposes that movements go global when domestic channels are blocked, I argue that the shift from local to transnational mobilization leads to substantive changes in a movement'sdiscourse and its interpretation of grievances, strategies, and targets. Further, in contrast to Keck and Sikkink's "short causal chain" linking problems and solutions to justify collective action, the Guatemala case suggests a "long causal chain" whereby successful transnational activism requires extension of causal links from local problems to powerful global actors to create the conditions for convergence of interests among members of a transnational network.


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tammy Lewis

This article compares transnational conservation organizations' efforts in Ecuador, Chile, and Peru in order to answer several questions: Why do transnational social movement organizations (TSMOs) engage in the politics of some nations but not others? Do TSMOs shape the policy decisions of less developed nations? What is the relationship between national political opportunity structure and transnational mobilization? Based upon historical data and fieldwork data, I argue that transnational conservationists can most easily affect the policies of politically "open" nations that have active domestic conservation movement organizations. In addition to influencing public policies, transnational conservationists are key actors in the development of private systems of biodiversity protection. Operating according to "lifeboat ethics," TSMOs select nations based on political criteria, while those nations most in need of conservation assistance (biodiversity hotspots) are neglected. This strategy contrasts sharply with strategies used by the transnational human rights movement.


Author(s):  
Ceren Lord

This chapter examines the emergence and dynamics of the transnational Alevi movement since the 1990s in both Turkey and Western Europe. As a social movement, it asserts the distinction of Alevi identity from Sunni Islam and seeks official recognition and equal citizenship rights in Turkey and Europe where a large number of Alevis live. Accordingly, the chapter first provides an overview of the debates on who the Alevis are and what Alevism is, as the contestation around definition shapes the factions and alignments within the Alevi movement. It then outlines the institutional context within which the Alevi movement emerged, tracing the influence of the Ottoman legacy on nation-state building and how these dynamics shaped the strategies adopted by competing factions within the state together with their evolution over time. Finally, it discusses the mobilization of the Alevi movement from the 1990s onward, its politics of recognition, factionalism, party political engagement, and key challenges. While prospects for gaining recognition and equal citizenship rights will grow more elusive with deepening authoritarianism of the Turkish state and sectarianism in the AKP era, the achievements of the transnational movement in Western Europe stand to shape the future of Alevism.


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