For the better part of the last decade, Canadian peacekeepers have been encouraged to frame their activities in Somalia, Rwanda, Bosnia, Kosovo and Croatia as encounters with “absolute evil.” Peacekeeping is seen as a moral project in which the North civilizes the South. Using the Canadian peacekeeping context, I reflect on President Bush's use of the phrase “axis of evil” in the New World Order. 1 argue that this phrase reveals an epistemology structured by notions of the civilized (White) North and the barbaric (Racialized) South. These racial underpinnings give the concept of an “axis of evil” its currency in countries of the North.
The birth of a more democratic South Africa will touch the sociopolitical sinews of Southern Africa deeply. Change in the faulty economic engine room of the region, the transition to accountable rule and the country’s readmission to Africa, unfold against a wider global canvas. For Southern Africa the corrosive imperatives of a New World Order may well usher in an era of further peripheralization, heightened competition and conflict between the capitalist industrial North and competing fractions of international capital over global markets and access to the economies of the developing South. The big losers may well be the developing countries of the South.
The events taking place on the periphery of the Heartland show a clear connection between the processes in the South Caucasus and Central Asia. The fact is that the independent republics (recognized and unrecognized) must still take their place in the new world order, as demonstrated by the turbulent 2020 in the Caucasus and the rapid changes in Central Asia (Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Afghanistan). All these plots have their own logic and content. In this article, we will pay more attention to the South Caucasus, the countries of which, despite their long-term neighborhood, exist in various regional, cultural and political spaces with all its consequences.
The central idea of Henry Kissinger's latest book, The Global System, is that the world desperately needs a new world order, otherwise geopolitical chaos threatens the world, and perhaps chaos will prevail and settle in the world.
According to Kissinger, the world order was not really there at all, but what was closest to the system was the Treaty of Westphalia, which included about twenty Western European states for almost four centuries.
The Gulf crisis 1990-1991 is one of the important historical events of the 1990s, which gave rise to the new world order by the sovereignty of the United States of America on this system. The Gulf crisis was an embodiment to clarify the features of this system. .
The crisis in the Gulf was an opportunity for the Moroccans to manage this complex event and to use it for the benefit of the Moroccan situation. Therefore, the bilateral position of the crisis came out as a rejection, a contradiction and a supporter of political and economic dimensions at the external and internal levels. On the Moroccan situation, and from these points came the choice of the subject of the study (the dimensions of the Moroccan position from the Gulf crisis 1990-1991), which shows the ingenuity of Moroccans in managing an external crisis and benefiting from it internally.
The world is in a state of profound changes. One of the most likely forms of the future world pattern is polycentrism. At the stage of the formation of a new world order, it is very important to identify its key properties, identify the challenges associated with them and offer the public possible answers to them. It is proposed to consider conflictness, uncertainty and other features as properties of polycentrism. These properties entail certain challenges, the answers to them could be flexibility of diplomacy, development of international leadership and others.
South Caucasus Region in the context of new geopolitical realities: "Transcaucasia" or "Greater Middle East"
