Vella Pillay: Revolutionary Activism and Economic Policy Analysis

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-165
Author(s):  
Vishnu Padayachee ◽  
John Sender
Utilitas ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra J. Peart

The precise nature of W. S. Jevons's utilitarianism as a guiding rule for economic policy has yet to be investigated, and that will be the first issue treated in this paper. While J. A. Schumpeter, for instance, asserted that ‘some of the most prominent exponents of marginal utility’ (including Jevons), were ‘convinced utilitarians’, he did not investigate the further implications for Jevons's policy analysis.


1980 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terry Barker ◽  
Vani Borooah ◽  
Rick van der Ploeg ◽  
Alan Winters

2010 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
James J Heckman

This paper compares the structural approach to economic policy analysis with the program evaluation approach. It offers a third way to do policy analysis that combines the best features of both approaches. I illustrate the value of this alternative approach by making the implicit economics of LATE explicit, thereby extending the interpretability and range of policy questions that LATE can answer. (JEL C21, E61)


Author(s):  
David Colander ◽  
Craig Freedman

Milton Friedman once predicted that advances in scientific economics would resolve debates about whether raising the minimum wage is good policy. Decades later, Friedman's prediction has not come true. This book argues that it never will. Why? Because economic policy, when done correctly, is an art and a craft. It is not, and cannot be, a science. The book explains why classical liberal economists understood this essential difference, why modern economists abandoned it, and why now is the time for the profession to return to its classical liberal roots. Carefully distinguishing policy from science and theory, classical liberal economists emphasized values and context, treating economic policy analysis as a moral science where a dialogue of sensibilities and judgments allowed for the same scientific basis to arrive at a variety of policy recommendations. Using the University of Chicago—one of the last bastions of classical liberal economics—as a case study, the book examines how both the MIT and Chicago variants of modern economics eschewed classical liberalism in their attempt to make economic policy analysis a science. By examining the way in which the discipline managed to lose its bearings, the authors delve into such issues as the development of welfare economics in relation to economic science, alternative voices within the Chicago School, and exactly how Friedman got it wrong. Contending that the division between science and prescription needs to be restored, the book makes the case for a more nuanced and self-aware policy analysis by economists.


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