Internet or Archive? Expertise in Searching for Digital Sources on a Contentious Historical Question

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Sarah McGrew
Keyword(s):  
Historical Question

Atonement impasse: The perennial problem of communicating Christ’s atonement to Muslims

2021 ◽  
pp. 009182962110275
Author(s):  
Matthew Aaron Bennett
Keyword(s):  
Interfaith Dialogue ◽  
Mutual Understanding ◽  
Historical Account ◽  
The Cross ◽  
Book Of Hebrews ◽  
Barriers To Communication ◽  
Historical Question

For 1400 years, Muslims and Christians in interfaith dialogue have encountered a perennial impasse surrounding the historical account of Jesus’ death. For most Muslims who hold a traditional interpretation of the Qur’an, Jesus did not die on the cross, but was assumed to heaven and another was crucified in his place. For Christians, however, the cross and subsequent resurrection are the center of gospel faith. This article recognizes the impasse over the crucifixion, but proposes that the conceptual distance surrounding the concept of atonement is a prior concern that needs to be addressed before one overcomes the historical question. In order to consider the barriers to communication and mutual understanding surrounding Jesus’ cross, we must first recognize that the qur’anic understanding of atonement presents linguistic, ritual, narrative, and worldview barriers to a biblical understanding of atonement. As such, before one answers the question, “Did Jesus die on the cross?” it is imperative to ask, “Why would Jesus’ death on the cross matter?” This article seeks to explain the distinct understanding of atonement represented in the Qur’an and to propose that the Book of Hebrews is uniquely suited to present a biblical understanding of atonement to one who is influenced by the Qur’an.

Presidential Address: The Royal Household and the Welsh Lawbooks

1963 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 163-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Goronwy Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Edgar Allan Poe ◽  
Presidential Address ◽  
Field Of View ◽  
Historical Evidence ◽  
Technical Term ◽  
Medieval Latin ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Historical Question ◽  
The One ◽  
Royal Household

On the corresponding occasion last year, I ventured to offer some remarks on the subject of medieval Welsh lawbooks, and more particularly on the editing of them. When edited, they serve as historical evidence. I therefore propose on this present occasion to consider the sort of historical evidence that they contain, and the kind of historical question that they raise. As I have to operate within the narrow compass of an hour, I must limit my field of view, and this can be done quite simply. A Welsh lawbook was made up of a series of what, in the absence of a recognized technical term, may conveniently be called ‘tractates’. I am going to consider just one of those tractates. It is, in more than one sense, the most easily distinguishable of them all. It is also the one that forms the very first part of the text of the Welsh lawbooks, coming immediately after the opening prologue. From its situation at the very beginning of the text, it should be the most inescapable document in the lawbooks—though, as Edgar Allan Poe demonstrated in a famous story, a document situated in the most obtrusive position is precisely the one that may most easily escape notice. It is quite a sizeable document, running to some twenty pages of modern print. It is extant both in medieval Latin and in medieval Welsh.

scholarly journals Tracing the genetic history of the ‘Cañaris’ from Ecuador and Peru using uniparental DNA markers

BMC Genomics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (S7) ◽  
Author(s):  
José R. Sandoval ◽  
Daniela R. Lacerda ◽  
Marilza M. S. Jota ◽  
Paulo Robles-Ruiz ◽  
Pierina Danos ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Mitochondrial Dna ◽  
Y Chromosome ◽  
Genetic Relationship ◽  
Tandem Repeats ◽  
Geographic Proximity ◽  
Lake Titicaca ◽  
Control Region Sequences ◽  
History Of ◽  
Historical Question ◽  
Close Genetic Relationship

Abstract Background According to history, in the pre-Hispanic period, during the conquest and Inka expansion in Ecuador, many Andean families of the Cañar region would have been displaced to several places of Tawantinsuyu, including Kañaris, a Quechua-speaking community located at the highlands of the Province of Ferreñafe, Lambayeque (Peru). Other families were probably taken from the Central Andes to a place close to Kañaris, named Inkawasi. Evidence of this migration comes from the presence near the Kañaris–Inkawasi communities of a village, a former Inka camp, which persists until the present day. This scenario could explain these toponyms, but it is still controversial. To clarify this historical question, the study presented here focused on the inference of the genetic relationship between ‘Cañaris’ populations, particularly of Cañar and Ferreñafe, compared to other highland populations. We analysed native patrilineal Y chromosome haplotypes composed of 15 short tandem repeats, a set of SNPs, and maternal mitochondrial DNA haplotypes of control region sequences. Results After the genetic comparisons of local populations—three from Ecuador and seven from Peru—, Y chromosome analyses (n = 376) indicated that individuals from the Cañar region do not share Y haplotypes with the Kañaris, or even with those of the Inkawasi. However, some Y haplotypes of Ecuadorian ‘Cañaris’ were associated with haplotypes of the Peruvian populations of Cajamarca, Chivay (Arequipa), Cusco and Lake Titicaca, an observation that is congruent with colonial records. Within the Kañaris and Inkawasi communities there are at least five clans in which several individuals share haplotypes, indicating that they have recent common ancestors. Despite their relative isolation, most individuals of both communities are related to those of the Cajamarca and Chachapoyas in Peru, consistent with the spoken Quechua and their geographic proximity. With respect to mitochondrial DNA haplotypes (n = 379), with the exception of a shared haplotype of the D1 lineage between the Cañar and Kañaris, there are no genetic affinities. Conclusion Although there is no close genetic relationship between the Peruvian Kañaris (including Inkawasi) and Ecuadorian Cañar populations, our results showed some congruence with historical records.

Toward a Theology of Hope

1967 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-226
Author(s):  
Carl E. Braaten
Keyword(s):  
Early Church ◽  
The Past ◽  
Historical Question

“The debates that have gone on between Schweitzer, Cullmann, Bultmann, Dodd, Jeremias, etc., have … only [yielded] answers to the historical question: What did Jesus or the early church happen to hope? They have not taken up the question of what it means for man to hope at all, whether to be human is to have hope, and therefore in what way eschatologies from the past may be addressed to man today, offering him the ground, guidelines, and goal of his inevitable hoping.”

scholarly journals WHAT IS PAIN? A HISTORYTHE PROTHERO LECTURE

2013 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 155-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanna Bourke
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Interactions ◽  
The World ◽  
Historical Question ◽  
Ideological Work

ABSTRACTWhat is pain? This article argues that it is useful to think of pain as a ‘kind of event’ or a way of being-in-the-world. Pain-events are unstable; they are historically constituted and reconstituted in relation to language systems, social and environmental interactions and bodily comportment. The historical question becomes: how has pain beendoneand what ideological work do acts of being-in-pain seek to achieve? By what mechanisms do these types of events change? Who decides the content of any particular, historically specific and geographically situated ontology?

IS “RACE” MODERN?

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 647-665
Author(s):  
Adam Hochman
Keyword(s):  
Modern Concept ◽  
Historical Question ◽  
Intractable Problem ◽  
Historical Origins

AbstractRace theorists have been unable to reach a consensus regarding the basic historical question, “is ‘race’ modern?” I argue that this is partly because the question itself is ambiguous. There is not really one question that race scholars are answering, but at least six. First, is the concept of race modern? Second, is there a modern concept of race that is distinct from earlier race concepts? Third, are “races” themselves modern? Fourth, are racialized groups modern? Fifth, are the means and methods associated with racialization modern? And sixth, are the meanings attached to racialized traits modern? Because these questions have different answers, the debate about the historical origins of “race” cannot be resolved unless they are distinguished. I will explain the ways in which “race” is and is not modern by answering these questions, thereby offering a resolution to a seemingly intractable problem.

scholarly journals On Taking our Sources Seriously: Servius and the Theatrical Life of Vergil's Eclogues

2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-140
Author(s):  
Ismene Lada-Richards
Keyword(s):  
Popular Culture ◽  
The Arts ◽  
Republican Rome ◽  
The World ◽  
Historical Question

This article revisits a famous staple of the Vergilian tradition, Servius's heavily contested scholion on the actress Volumnia Cytheris's theatrical rendition of Vergil's sixth Eclogue. By shifting the focus of inquiry from the strictly historical question ‘did it happen?’ it cuts through, identifies and disentangles a nexus of prejudices which have led to the devaluing of Servius's information. The sidelining or dismissal of this piece of evidence, I argue, has more to teach us about our own culturally entrenched and discipline-inherited assumptions than about what could have happened in late Republican Rome. Scrutiny of the evidence on the stage re-mediation of high poetry suggests it is entirely plausible that Cytheris would have performed a theatricalized version of Vergil's masterpiece. Indeed at the very heart of the story lies the convergence between élite poetry and the world of professional stage artists. Moreover, Cytheris's possible performance of a repertoire that coincides with the mythological core of pantomime dancing in its artistic maturity opens pivotal questions concerning what Plutarch (Mor.748a) aptly calls the “full association and mutual entanglement” between the arts of poetry and dance. Taking Servius seriously gives us the impetus to explore more decisively dimensions of Roman life that have been messily sidelined as a result of the systematic privileging of “texts” in our surveys of Roman intellectual landscapes over the centuries. Even if Servius's extract turned out to be no more than a “myth”, an “anecdote”, as such narratives go, this is an incredibly helpful one, provided we are willing to press it into the service of larger inquiries regarding the “circulation” of cultural energy between élite and popular culture.

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