scholarly journals SELF-INTEREST AND PUBLIC INTEREST: THE MOTIVATIONS OF POLITICAL ACTORS

2011 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael C. Munger
Author(s):  
Christopher Wlezien

The representation of public opinion in public policy is of obvious importance in representative democracies. While public opinion is important in all political systems, it is especially true where voters elect politicians; after all, opinion representation is a primary justification for representative democracy. Not surprisingly, a lot of research addresses the connection between the public and the government. Much of the work considers “descriptive representation”—whether the partisan and demographic characteristics of elected politicians match the characteristics of the electorate itself. This descriptive representation is important but may not produce actual “substantive representation” of preferences in policy. Other work examines the positions of policymakers. Some of this research assesses the roll call voting behavior of politicians and institutions. The expressed positions and voting behavior of political actors do relate to policy but are not the same things. Fortunately, a good amount of research analyzes policy. With but a handful of exceptions noted below, this research focuses on expressed preferences of the public, not their “interests.” That is, virtually all scholars let people be the judges of their own interests, and they assess the representation of expressed opinion no matter how contrary to self-interest it may seem.


2019 ◽  
pp. 261-313
Author(s):  
Jean Drèze

This chapter covers a range of issues that do not fit in earlier chapters. These include urban poverty, universal basic income, the Gujarat model, electoral politics, India's bullet train, the economics of corruption, the aberrations of the caste system, and India's disastrous experience with demonetisation in late 2016. The book concludes with an extended essay on “Development and Public‐spiritedness”. This essay takes issue with the notion, common in economics, that people generally act out of self‐interest. This assumption has no theoretical or empirical basis. Public‐spiritedness, in the sense of a reasoned habit of consideration for the public interest, is a common feature of social life. Expanding the scope of public‐spiritedness is an important aspect of social development.


2020 ◽  
pp. 214-234
Author(s):  
Jon Elster

This chapter emphasizes the incompleteness of knowledge on key economic variables, which is in part due to the reluctance of individuals, from all social classes, to comply with requests for information. It notes how individuals and institutions had an incentive to misreport, exaggerate, or understate their income and property. At a different level, statements by royal officials, venal magistrates, and elected deputies can rarely be taken at face value. The chapter analyzes the universal tendency of speakers or writers to disguise self-interest or group interest as the public interest. It also argues that by the end of the ancien régime, public opinion was considered a poor substitute for publicity as it is often based on rumors rather than on facts in the public domain.


2011 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Roderick Kiewiet ◽  
Michael S. Lewis-Beck

1999 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 827-833 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Reitherman

A recent study of the ethical implications of working in the earthquake field featured three dozen ethical scenarios, most of which posed the issue of failing to disclose earthquake risks or inadequately promoting seismic risk reduction. In that study, a common ethical issue was never mentioned, namely that “the earthquake community” is also “the earthquake industry.” Most of us who work in the earthquake field have public interest and self-interest motives, and a full discussion of ethical issues requires that we talk about both.


Public Choice ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 69 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert D. Tollison ◽  
Richard E. Wagner

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 126-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrika Andersson ◽  
Ingela Wadbring

1964 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 876-887 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Q. Wilson ◽  
Edward C. Banfield

Our concern here is with the nature of the individual's attachment to the body politic and, more particularly, with the value premises underlying the choices made by certain classes of voters. Our hypothesis is that some classes of voters (provisionally defined as “subcultures” constituted on ethnic and income lines) are more disposed than others to rest their choices on some conception of “the public interest” or the “welfare of the community.” To say the same thing in another way, the voting behavior of some classes tends to be more public-regarding and less private- (self- or family-) regarding than that of others. To test this hypothesis it is necessary to examine voting behavior in situations where one can say that a certain vote could not have been private-regarding. Local bond and other expenditure referenda present such situations: it is sometimes possible to say that a vote in favor of a particular expenditure proposal is incompatible with a certain voter's self-interest narrowly conceived. If the voter nevertheless casts such a vote and if there is evidence that his vote was not in some sense irrational or accidental, then it must be presumed that his action was based on some conception of “the public interest.”


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