Key Thinkers of the Radical Right: Behind the New Threat to Liberal Democracy

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (7) ◽  
pp. 1579-1580
Author(s):  
Ryan Shaffer
2020 ◽  
pp. 135406882092085
Author(s):  
Todd Donovan

This article tests if radical right populist (RRP) parties draw support from voters with non-mainstream, illiberal attitudes. This follows from assumptions that these parties have rhetorical, stylistic and practical critiques of liberal democracy that appeal to people with politically authoritarian attitudes. I use Module 5 Comparative Study of Electoral Systems data and Wave 7 World Values Survey data to test how authoritarian attitudes, in particular, approval of strong, unchecked leaders, may be associated with support for RRP parties. Of 12 unique cases where RRP parties received at least 5% support in a recent election, in most cases preferences for strong, unchecked leaders differentiated RRP party supporters from supporters of other parties generally, and from supporters of centre-right parties. In some cases, negative views of democracy, and acceptance of army rule, also characterized RRP supporters. Most cases have evidence consistent with the hypotheses, with the strongest evidence from supporters of Austria’s FPÖ and Germany’s AfD.


2019 ◽  
Vol 244 (1) ◽  
pp. 271-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Betts

Abstract These days 1989 isn't what it used to be. Not so long ago the wildfire revolutions that swept across Eastern Europe during that momentous year were routinely celebrated as the grand victory of liberal democracy over Soviet-style communism. However, recent developments in Poland, Hungary and elsewhere on the continent which in various ways all invoked 1989, either as inspiration or negative foil, behove us to reconsider the effects of that fateful year in Central Europe from a different perspective. The rise of xenophobia, resurgent populist politics on both the Radical Right and the Left, as well as the spread of ‘illiberal democracy’ across Europe, the US and elsewhere have predictably generated great alarm. Plenty of commentary on the comeback of authoritarian anti-liberalism in Central Europe has claimed that we are witnessing a kind of ‘return of the repressed,’ a dangerous repudiation of the golden principles of 1989 three decades after the uprisings. But construing recent developments in Central Europe as simply an anti-1989 backlash does not get us very far, not least because the unrest of 1989 carried within it the seeds of illiberalism as well. With distance, the inheritance of the ‘revolutionary autumn’ appears more mixed and precarious, and much harder to classify than it once was. Like all revolutions, 1989 brought in its train a mixed bag of dreams and disappointments, stark ruptures and stubborn continuities, and this article revisits some of the grey and even darker tones of the inheritance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 153-176
Author(s):  
Tihomir Cipek ◽  
Stjepan Lacković

The influence of the radical right in the whole of Central Europe not only continues to grow, but has reached its apex by gaining power in Poland and Hungary. Its success is often attributed to two factors: a) the weakness of civil society, and b) economic and social crisis. We shall try to dispute these theses by using the example of Poland. We will defend a thesis that contradicts the usual claim that developed civil society also fosters democracy, and will show that the radical right owes its success precisely to its strength in civil society. This text will also show that there is no direct connection between the radical right and economic crisis, and that the real reason for its success is the dominance over the public discourse. The text is divided into three parts: the first will define the concept of the radical right and give an overview of the theories about its rise; the second part will focus on different explanations of the relationship between civil society and liberal democracy; and the third part will discuss the characteristics and activities of the most important organisations of the Polish radical right and their place in civil society and politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (11) ◽  
pp. 69-78
Author(s):  
S. Khenkin

For many years, Spain was one of a few European countries without an influential radical right party. In the recent years, the situation has changed sharply as a marginal right radical party VOX turned into a significant force – a third party in the Cortes according to the number of votes. The stormy take off of VOX cannot be separated from the systemic crisis of the Spanish polity which manifested itself particularly in the Catalan conflict. The threat to territorial integrity gave rise to a sense of impaired national dignity. Spanish nationalism, which seemed to recede into the background of the societal agenda during the first post-Francoist decades, has revived in a more radical guise. VOX advocates militant nationalism and upholds traditional values challenging the liberal paradigm of societal development. By sharply criticizing the liberal democratic regime VOX intends not to dismantle but to reform it. The revision assumes the reinforcement of centralizing and unitary origins in the Spanish state through the abolition of the autonomies’ rights and also the radical restrictions of the rights of ethnic minorities (Catalans, Basques, immigrants). Such standpoint entails the strengthening of authoritarian tendencies in the mass consciousness. At the same time, the party does not stand against the democratic system and does not raise the question on the restoration of authoritarianism in Spain. VOX, therefore, discards some principles of liberal democracy (a number of elements of political pluralism), without rejecting the other (rights and freedoms for the majority of the population).


1994 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-323
Author(s):  
Margaret Braungart
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