Territorial threat and women’s legislative representation

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 340-358
Author(s):  
Alice J. Kang ◽  
Nam Kyu Kim
2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances McCall Rosenbluth ◽  
Robert Salmond ◽  
Michael F. Thies

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 1070-1074
Author(s):  
Livianna Tossutti

Elections, John C. Courtney, Vancouver: UBC Press, 2004, pp. ix, 201.The expansion of the number of democratic regimes around the world and the decline of trust in government in established democracies have renewed interest in election laws and how these rules define the national community, allow citizens to express their preferences, and influence the composition of legislatures. In Canada, the study of electoral laws has frequently dealt with how electoral formulae translate votes into legislative representation.


1947 ◽  
Vol 41 (6) ◽  
pp. 1126-1129
Author(s):  
Bennett M. Rich

New Jersey's new constitution will become effective January 1, 1948. By the overwhelming vote of 653,096 to 184,632 (official figures), the people signified their approval, November 4, of the work of the constitutional convention held at Rutgers University, June 12 to September 10, 1947.Revision became a live issue when Governor Alfred E. Driscoll, in his inaugural address, emphasized the need for modernizing the state's outmoded 1844 constitution. Quickly a bill was passed calling for popular endorsement of a limited convention—limited in that the question of legislative representation was barred from discussion. At the regular election for county officials on June 3, the voters were given an additional ballot to express their preference for or against the proposed convention. On this ballot they voted also for delegates.Each county was entitled to as many delegates as it had senators and representatives. In 13 of the 21 counties, delegates were selected by the party organizations on a bipartisan basis, and the final party distribution was: Republicans 54, Democrats 23, and Independents 4. Of the 81 delegates, 50 were lawyers, and of these 21 were either active or retired judges. Twenty-five delegates were serving or had served in the legislature. Sixteen had teaching experience. Eight were women.


2004 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lilliard E. Richardson ◽  
Brian E. Russell ◽  
Christopher A. Cooper

2006 ◽  
Vol 2 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Rosenbluth ◽  
Rob Salmond ◽  
Michael F. Thies

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-32
Author(s):  
Jinhyeok Jang ◽  
Nick C. N. Lin

AbstractWe advance the literature on electoral institutions and legislative representation by investigating legislators’ position taking strategies in Taiwan under the single non-transferable voting period. Existing research largely assumes that representatives elected from the same electoral rule behave similarly. We challenge this conventional understanding by arguing that legislators in multi-member districts (MMDs) tend to move toward the extreme direction from the party line if they come from districts where their party is less competitive. This pattern of legislative representation allows them to appeal to partisan voters, as lowering one's partisan profile can be too costly in such districts. On the contrary, those who are elected from strong partisan districts are expected to deviate from the party toward the moderate direction. Given a solid partisan foundation in these districts, these legislators may target voters across party lines. Our analysis covering the entire period of MMD elections after Taiwan's democratization (1992–2008) provides robust empirical evidence to our theoretical claim. Our findings, therefore, shed lights for future studies on the intertwining nature between electoral systems, district level factors, and legislative representation.


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