scholarly journals A Political Economy of Education in India: The Case of Uttar Pradesh

2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geeta Kingdon ◽  
Mohd. Muzammil
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
Education In India

scholarly journals CHALLENGES OF INTEGRATING RESPONSIBLE MANAGEMENT EDUCATION IN HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS OF UTTAR PRADESH, INDIA

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-177
Author(s):  
Ajai Prakash ◽  
Archana Yadav
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Total Population ◽  
Management Education ◽  
Geographical Area ◽  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Responsible Management ◽  
Total Geographical Area ◽  
Education In India

India is facing a big debate on various social, economic and political issues which remained around corruption and poverty; how they can be eradicated from our society. Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) is the most populous state of our country with over 16.4 % of countries total population. Moreover with 9% of the country’s total geographical area, U.P. is the 4th largest state of our country. The median age of U.P. is 20 whereas that of India is young 24 years as in 2011. Though U.P. is the youngest state in India and has a rich cultural heritage but when it comes to literacy and gross enrolment in higher education, it is far behind other states. In order to create a responsible environment, management education can work as a very effective tool. In order to tackle the challenges faced globally such as corruption, poverty and workforce diversity, the United Nations has developed Responsible management initiative. The objective of this paper is to present the structure and different channels of management education in India with special reference to U.P. state. The focus is on identifying critical factors in integrating responsible management education in Higher Educational institutions with reference to sustainable development.

Open and Distance Education in India

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Sovik Mukherjee
Keyword(s):  
Distance Education ◽  
Tamil Nadu ◽  
Andhra Pradesh ◽  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
Principal Component ◽  
Simple Regression Model ◽  
Education In India ◽  
Level Of Economic Development ◽  
Effectiveness Index ◽  
High Degree

The goal of this article is to look into the effectiveness of ODL on the level of economic development across fifteen major states in India, viz., Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Haryana, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Punjab, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal by constructing an ODL Effectiveness Index (ODLEI). The variables considered here are — 1) number of ODL institutes in the state concerned, 2) number of students enrolled in such institutes, 3) logarithmic value of per-capita GSDP and 4) state-wise literacy rates. The index construction method employs Principal Component Analysis (PCA) given the high-degree of multicollinearity among the variables. Comparison of the value of ODLEI in 2015 with the value of ODLEI in 2010 is also something that this article talks about. Also, using a simple regression model, this article attempts to underline the nexus between growth, measured by means of change in the GDP growth with the level of enrolment in distance education in India.

Agrarian Crisis, Changing Jat–Muslim Relations, and Everyday Communalism in Western Uttar Pradesh

2018 ◽  
pp. 181-221
Author(s):  
Sudha Pai ◽  
Sajjan Kumar
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Electoral Campaign ◽  
Agrarian Crisis

This chapter analyses the reasons underlying the revival of communalism in western UP in the 2000s, culminating in one of the most extremely violent riots in recent decades in UP in Muzaffarnagar and adjoining districts in 2013. Two longer-term developments played a key role: sustained construction of everyday communalism by the BJP–RSS at the grass roots from the early 2000s, followed by the long and divisive electoral campaign for the 2014 national elections under Narendra Modi; a deepening agrarian crisis which contributed to the breakdown of the relatively harmonious, socioeconomic relationship between Hindus—primarily Jats—and Muslims in the rural areas, making them highly vulnerable to communal feelings. These shifts allowed the BJP through well-organized and sustained mobilization to deepen the sociopolitical divide between these communities, leading to communal tension and riots. While the former constitutes the political and aggressively visible form, the latter constitutes the underlying political economy aspect.

scholarly journals The Identity of Language and the Language of Erasure

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-199
Author(s):  
Sanober Umar
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
Institutional History ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
High Culture ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
Written Materials ◽  
The City

Perhaps it is best to summarize what this article is not about, and then highlight what it seeks to do instead, finally surmising those strands together cohesively. This article is not on Urdu as a medium for self-fashioning elite Ashrafi Muslims in Lucknow who lamented the “death of the city” in shahr-i-adab (the city of high culture and noble manners) kind of literatures, instead it is about how Ashrafis came to be normatively portrayed by prominent leaders of the Congress in Uttar Pradesh as “foreigners.” This article is not exclusively about caste politics,  but rather how the trope of the foreigner was used as a way to otherize and prevent some of the most downtrodden Muslims from availing affirmative action policies and how lower caste and Dalit Muslims themselves tried to find liberation away from their stigmatized caste histories, unfortunately without success as conversion did not eclipse casteist tropes against them. This article is not just about the institutional history of the fall of Urdu in Uttar Pradesh, but it focusses on how Urdu was used to shape the minority citizen status of Muslims, and how it impacted their political economy and caste histoies in Lucknow by using both written materials documenting these issues and oral testimonies of Ashrafi and Pasmanda Muslims in Lucknow. In the process, this article is about the contours that defined the production of Muslim minoritysm in India, externally by Post Colonial governmentality of the 1950s and internally by Muslims themselves who were compelled to “self homogenize” despite political and social fractures within the community in the face of demonizing and ahistoric stereotypes of the Muslim community as “backward Musalmaans” that ignored their multiple layers of institutionally created marginalization.

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