scholarly journals Shrinking communicative space for media and gender equality civil society organizations

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Bruktawit Ejigu Kassa ◽  
Katharine Sarikakis
2020 ◽  
pp. 135050682097915
Author(s):  
Zuzana Maďarová ◽  
Veronika Valkovičová

Thirty years after the Velvet Revolution, Slovak feminist activists look back to the 1990s and early 2000s as the time of exceptional capacity building and knowledge production which was barely sustained in later years. The last decade of feminist organizing has been marked by waning financial resources for civil society organizations, and appropriation of feminist and gender equality agenda by the state, which led to the hollowing out of its content. What is more, strong and pervasive conservative pressure with the aid of ‘gender ideology’ rhetoric has been successful in delegitimizing gender equality policies and is consistently threatening sexual and reproductive rights in the country. Facing such prospects, this article examines newfound alliances and diverse forms of broadly understood feminist praxis, which go beyond institutionalized civil society, but have developed to counter neoconservative and far-right political pressure in Slovakia.


Temida ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-201
Author(s):  
Sanja Copic ◽  
Bejan Saciri

In 2019 the Victimology Society of Serbia conducted the survey aimed at assessing the attitudes of professionals who work in state institutions, independent state agencies and civil society organizations in Serbia about gender equality and genderbased violence, and collecting data on their experiences and challenges in dealing with gender-based violence victims, especially Roma women and women in rural areas. The survey was a part of the broader project aimed to contribute to policy and practice changes to ensure the recognition of harmful gender stereotypes and gender discrimination and to ensure suppression and timely response in cases of gender- based violence. It was a part of the program ?Ending Violence against Women in the Western Balkan countries and Turkey: Implementing Norms, Changing Minds?, implemented by the UN Women and funded by the European Commission. The survey was conducted on a sample of 199 respondents from the police, courts, prosecutors? offices, social welfare centres, independent institutions and civil society organizations, in 21 local communities in Serbia. The survey findings suggested that in general practitioners involved in the survey do not have negative attitudes towards gender equality and gender-based violence. However, when looking at some individual statements on the scales of attitudes on gender equality and gender-based violence, as well as answers to additional questions regarding the role of women and men at home, one can still conclude that traditional (gender) stereotypes are present in respondents of both sexes. The survey results also revealed a lack of knowledge about gender-based violence, which can result in the victim not being recognized, blaming the victim, failing to provide necessary assistance, support and protection, leading to re-victimization and secondary victimization. On average, male respondents have more conservative attitudes towards gender equality and gender-based violence than women. Older respondents, and consequently respondents with longer working experience, have more negative attitudes towards gender equality and gender-based violence than younger respondents. Respondents working in the judiciary, police and prosecution have more negative attitudes towards gender equality and gender-based violence than respondents from independent state bodies, centres for social work and civil society organizations. Attitudes on gender equality proved to be a strong predictor of attitudes about different forms of gender-based violence. Therefore, it is necessary to work further on raising awareness and strengthening capacities of practitioners in state institutions and civil society organizations on issues related to gender equality and gender-based violence, as well as on raising public awareness, including (potential) victims of gender inequality and gender-based violence, so that citizens can recognize their own or victimization of others and seek help and protect their rights.


Author(s):  
Adrineh Gregorian

The work of women’s groups and organizations in conflict zones is underestimated and underresourced, yet these groups continue to be a voice of the marginalized. By examining the case of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, this chapter seeks to demonstrate how women’s role in peacebuilding is pivotal and should not be trivialized. Women have proven to be more nonviolent, they have differentiated needs in conflict, and they are more successful at utilizing out-of-the-box methods. When official top-down approaches fail women, civil society organizations step in to fill the gaps. Whereas formal negotiation tactics often seem to be fruitless, out-of-the-box tools are created to develop connections and safe spaces to share, listen, and build empathy. These steps should not be overlooked; instead, they underscore that women’s inclusion in peace processes is imperative.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nabil Abdo ◽  
Dana Abed ◽  
Bachir Ayoub ◽  
Nizar Aouad

Lebanon is extremely unequal and has been rocked by massive protests in recent months. The country is facing a financial crisis and is in talks with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) about a potential bailout programme. Other IMF programmes in the region have focused on austerity and have driven increases in poverty and inequality. A business-as-usual approach by the IMF in Lebanon could have serious and far-reaching adverse impacts. Any potential policies pushed by the IMF in Lebanon must first be shown not to impact negatively on economic and gender inequalities, and must be drawn up transparently in consultation with local communities, civil society organizations and social movements.


Significance The treaty includes joint commitments to improving human rights and gender equality. Perhaps more notably, it also implicitly crystallises the EU’s commitment to implementation of contentious Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), which pose serious challenges for import-competing agricultural and manufacturing sectors in OACPS countries. Impacts EPAs will put pressures on jobs in import-competing sectors and stimulate migration from African countries to the European member states. Greater prioritisation of gender equality language in the treaty’s text will be lauded by civil society groups in Europe and Africa. The lack of reference to LGBTQ+ rights reflects the EU’s desire to avoid claims of ‘neo-colonialism’ but will cause reputational damage.


Author(s):  
Annika Björkdahl ◽  
Johanna Mannergren Selimovic

Civil society is often understood as a normative vehicle for the promotion of human rights and democracy, as it plays a central role in ensuring gender equality and advocating for local ownership in the decision-making processes of states. Civil society agents and organizations have been instrumental in promoting and advancing the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda. In this chapter, we examine the experiences of Bosnian Civil Society Organizations (CSO) and their activities to advance a gender-just peace. Drawing on examples from the Bosnian case study, we argue that women civil society organizations are key actors, as they not only set the agenda when it comes to WPS, they also play a key role in ensuring that the WPS principles are institutionalized and operationalized in policy. Moreover, we observe that women CSOs are particularly successful in advocating for the needs of victims of conflict-related sexual-based violence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 147-156
Author(s):  
Stephen Sherlock

This article examines how Indonesian civil society organisations (CSOs) working for women’s empowerment and gender equality have worked together with members of parliament (MPs) to support processes of developmental change. Examples are taken from initiatives supported by MAMPU, an Australian government funded project that promotes gender equality and women’s empowerment in Indonesia, describing ways in which gender-focused organisations have engaged with, and had an impact upon, the actions of political leaders in parliament. The article focuses on interaction between institutions and the agency exercised by individuals within institutions. MPs act within a structure of institutional and political incentives, but they also have the power to make choices about how they respond to incentives. Moreover, the leaders of outside actors such as CSOs can modify the structure of incentives by both applying pressure on MPs and providing opportunities for legislators to make different choices. One of MAMPU’s tools for targeting MPs has been political economy analysis. Having correctly understood the pressures and incentives facing MPs, CSOs can target their actions to bring about outcomes favourable to both sides in what the article calls ‘alliances of instrumental advantage.’ Organisations supported by MAMPU achieved success where relationships were forged between the organisations and politicians based on the identification of mutual advantage.


Author(s):  
Olabisi I. Aina ◽  
Kehinde Olayode

With the current global urge and mandates for gender equality, the African continent is re-awakening interest on gender issues and gender mainstreaming in public policy and planning. This paper addresses issues and prospects in embracing Gender Equality and Women Empowerment (GEWE) principles in a democratizing state such as Nigeria. Basic questions raised include – what are the ideals of GEWE? What relevance does the GEWE Agenda have for a democratising state? What different legislations, policies, and programmes are strategic to this process? What roles have been played by Civil Society Organizations in instituting a GEWE agenda in a nation state such as Nigeria? What are the gains of the gender equality agenda for the country’s overall development? What problems still face the process of achieving gender equality and gender justice in Nigeria? These discussions espouse the importance of the GEWE Agenda and the need to engender social development and political transformations in the emerging democratic Nigeria.


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