The Enlightenment in National Context. Roy Porter , Mikulas Teich

1983 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 306-308
Author(s):  
Harry C. Payne
Keyword(s):  
National Context ◽  
The Enlightenment

Secular and Religious Citizenship

2017 ◽  
pp. 477-499
Author(s):  
Bryan S. Turner
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Religious Community ◽  
Educational Services ◽  
National Context ◽  
Ethical Practice ◽  
Religious Development ◽  
Liberal Politics ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
Over Time

Citizenship, having antecedents in the ancient world and in the Enlightenment, is often understood in political theory as a secular framework of rights and duties. This chapter argues that there is typically a parallel religious development in which members of churches have to pay taxes, follow the authoritative commands, abide by an orthodoxy and norms of religious and ethical practice, and in return they receive sacramental services and frequently welfare and educational services. Just as citizens can be incarcerated for misdemeanours, members of a religious community can also be expelled or denied ritual services. While there are two distinctive spheres of membership, their relationship has varied considerably over time and by national context. In the liberal politics of western societies, the two spheres are kept apart by the constitutional separation of church and state. However, the two spheres often overlap or conflict with each other.

Wat de Verlichting bijeenhield : Gelijkheid, maatschappij en godsdienst in achttiende-eeuwse encyclopedieën

2020 ◽  
Vol 133 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-227
Author(s):  
Devin Vartija
Keyword(s):  
Fundamental Domain ◽  
National Context ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
Philosophical School ◽  
Inner Sphere ◽  
Political Differences ◽  
Intellectual Movement

Abstract The Thin Coherence of the Enlightenment: Equality, Society, and Religion in Enlightenment EncyclopaediasOne of the key trends in scholarship on the Enlightenment since the early 1980s has been the fragmentation of the movement into numerous strands based variously on national context, religion, or philosophical school, a fragmentation that risks emptying the signifier ‘Enlightenment’ of all meaning. This article argues that analyzing the concepts of ‘equality’ and ‘society’ in Diderot and d’Alembert’s Encyclopédie and one of its most important successors, the Swiss Encyclopédie d’Yverdon, enables us to see that, in spite of the very real philosophical, religious, and political differences between Enlightenment thinkers, the movement can nonetheless be characterized as possessing thin coherence. Religion became compartmentalized in an inner sphere, ceding ground to the concept of society, which came to describe the fundamental domain of human interdependence. In the new intellectual space created by the Enlightenment, inequality came to be viewed as something artificial and in need of justification, thus demonstrating that the modern concepts of ‘society’ and ‘equality’ hang together in an intellectual movement characterized by thin coherence.

The enlightenment in national context

1984 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-209
Author(s):  
R.J.W. Evans
Keyword(s):  
National Context ◽  
The Enlightenment

scholarly journals History of Science in a National Context

1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurice Crosland
Keyword(s):  
History Of Science ◽  
Science And Religion ◽  
Limiting Factor ◽  
National Context ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
Scientific Institutions ◽  
History Of ◽  
University College London ◽  
Single Discipline ◽  
Do So

The history of science can be approached in several different ways. It may be studied, as in the classification once favoured in the long-established Department of History and Philosophy of Science at University College London, by considering separately the history of individual sciences: physics, chemistry, biology, etc.—Partington's monumental History of chemistry is a good example of the cross-section of history of science obtained by considering a single discipline. This approach is understandable when history of science is the work of retired specialists in a particular science. On the other hand, many of those who have approached the history of science from a training in general history have tended to favour a study of a particular period as an alternative to an orientation by subject. This is particularly valuable before the nineteenth century, when subject boundaries were not so tightly drawn as some of the old science historians tended to assume. A third possibility is area studies, usually the history of science within a particular country. Sometimes this is done unconsciously, as when historians claim that they are dealing with a general theme, such as science and religion or scientific institutions, but do so with special reference to their own country. French historians of ‘the Enlightenment’ often study French authors exclusively. Language as much as country is a limiting factor here.

THE ENLIGHTENMENT ABOVE NATIONAL CONTEXT: POLITICAL ECONOMY IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY SCOTLAND AND NAPLES

1997 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 667-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN ROBERTSON
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Common Point ◽  
Human Condition ◽  
National Context ◽  
Scottish Enlightenment ◽  
Poor Countries ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
Kingdom Of Naples

It is now common to study the Enlightenment ‘in national context’, and in few cases has the approach been more fertile than in the study of the Scottish Enlightenment. The danger of this approach, however, is that it deflects attention from the international connections of the Enlightenment, fragmenting the movement as a whole. It is argued here that the Enlightenment is better understood as an intellectual movement which was both cosmopolitan and patriotic, and that this is particularly evident in its commitment to political economy, as the key to improving the human condition in this world. The argument is developed through a comparison of Scottish and Neapolitan political economy from the mid- to the later eighteenth century. Though set apart by very different economic circumstances, the Scots and the Neapolitans had a common point of reference in French economic writings, and through these Hume's ideas in particular were transmitted to Naples. It was from within this common intellectual framework that the Scots and the Neapolitans elaborated their distinctive positions on the scope for free trade between nations. If Hume and Smith believed that poor countries such as Scotland would prosper through greater free trade, while Genovesi and Galiani argued that only by measures of protection could the abundant natural resources of the kingdom of Naples be harnessed to its benefit, their differences derived from shared premises, and a comparable fear of the inclination of the leading mercantile powers, Britain and France, to control trade to their sole advantage.

Mental representation of economic crisis in Italian and Swiss samples 1The authors would like to thank Maurizio Mistri for his help in the construction of items. This research was supported by a grant from the Italian Murst (ex 40%).

2001 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucia Savadori ◽  
Eraldo Nicotra ◽  
Rino Rumiati ◽  
Roberto Tamborini
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Mental Representation ◽  
Mental Representations ◽  
Social Contexts ◽  
Raw Material ◽  
National Context ◽  
Cluster Procedure ◽  
Total N ◽  
Two Samples ◽  
Important Symptom

The content and structure of mental representation of economic crises were studied and the flexibility of the structure in different social contexts was tested. Italian and Swiss samples (Total N = 98) were compared with respect to their judgments as to how a series of concrete examples of events representing abstract indicators were relevant symptoms of economic crisis. Mental representations were derived using a cluster procedure. Results showed that the relevance of the indicators varied as a function of national context. The growth of unemployment was judged to be by far the most important symptom of an economic crisis but the Swiss sample judged bankruptcies as more symptomatic than Italians who considered inflation, raw material prices and external accounts to be more relevant. A different clustering structure was found for the two samples: the locations of unemployment and gross domestic production indicators were the main differences in representations.

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