David Rubinstein. The Labour Party and British Society, 1880–2005. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2006. Pp. x+228. $27.95 (paper).

2007 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 224-226
Author(s):  
Catherine Ellis
2019 ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Olha Buturlimova

The article traces the responses of the Church of England, Roman – Catholic Church and “free churches” on the development of the Labour Party. The author underlines that Labour party was assisted by those Christian churches. It is mentioned also that Labour Church and Ethic Church as Labour supporters too. The article touches upon such problems as social inequality in British society, secularization of the working class in urban cotton towns and ports. Anglican Church’s help to the low-income working class is investigated also. The author underlines that British Labour party was deeply influenced by Christian Socialism so it made its relations with Church of England closer. Chaplains supported the Labour party in their sermons, letters and church press. Such favour was especially crucial in rural areas where Labour party had lower election results in comparison with Liberal and Conservative parties. The author analyses contribution of the “free churches” to the development of the Labour party. It is widely recognized that “free churches” are identified as traditional ally of the Liberal party. The author confirmed that “free churches” did not give wide electoral support to the Labour party but gave considerable amount of candidates who were active in trade unions, local Labour parties and in the British Parliament. The author also considers that the Roman – Catholic communities mainly represented by Irish immigrants and their descendants as an important part of the wide social base of the Labour Party. The author comes to conclusion that strong ties between Christian churches and the British Labour party help us to explain its program and election successes in the first third of the XX century.


2020 ◽  
pp. 117-150
Author(s):  
Jonathan Hopkin

This chapter traces the response to inequality and financial collapse in the United Kingdom, with the anti-system Right represented by the Brexit campaign, and the Left by Jeremy Corbyn’s takeover of the Labour Party. Like Trump’s election in the United States, which it preceded by less than six months, the Brexit vote was an anti-system vote, a vote of rejection of the existing political establishment and the economic policies it had implemented since the 1980s. Just as Trump’s victory mobilized entrenched racial divides in the United States, Brexit reflected a long-standing skepticism about European integration in British society. The chapter then argues that Brexit formed part of a wider anti-system revolt in Britain, which replaced the centrist politics of the 1990s and 2000s with a deeply polarized politics pitting half the country against the other.


Author(s):  
James G. Kellas

This chapter talks about the leading Scottish National Party (SNP) politicians and how they talk of ‘a British society in conjunction with a Scottish state’. It also reports that it is ‘difficult to imagine an independent Scotland pursuing an anti-English policy’. There is no clear conflict between Scotland and England. Rather, the shifting conflicts mostly appear within the British parties (and between these and the SNP). The unionists as Scottish nationalists and the nationalists as unionists are explored. Conservatives saw the Scottish Office as a bulwark against nationalism and devolution. The Liberal Democrats changed stance on two counts. They had long supported federalism, but settled for devolution when that was offered by Labour in the late 1970s. Socialism and nationalism were combined in the service of the Scottish Labour Party. The changes and paradoxes in Scottish politics are elaborated. Two methods of explanation are apparent. The first is structural, the second ideological. It looks as if the structural analysis carries more weight than the ideological one. Independence is more problematic than devolution. The democratic ideology of the late twentieth century legitimised the sovereignty of the voting public, and with it the right of national self-determination.


Author(s):  
N. A. Stepanova

The article discusses problems and contradictions associated with the attempt of the Labour Party under the leadership of Tony Blair to start a 'new era' in international relations by putting the 'ethical dimension' into the heart of their foreign policy. Indeed, having come to power and possessing great credibility among the British society, New Labour undertook a number of actions, which marked the formal break with the practices of the previous governments. Thus, they shifted the focus from the foreign trade interests to human rights considerations on the international arena, introduced innovations in the field of international aid and development of poor countries, declared the priority of so-called 'advanced' national interests. These solutions, however, have led to some ambiguous results. The author argues that, on the one hand, the Labour Party 'new' foreign policy was a tribute to the historical tradition and continuity and on the other - the spirit of the times, as other Western countries leaders claimed similar statements, and that, in fact, it contributed to the moral authority of the government in the eyes of the British society. The article contains examples proving how ambiguity and contradictoriness of certain decisions have been the conscious choice made by politicians, when declared altruistic goals actually proved to protect interests of certain business structures and direct opposite of the stated ethical principles. It is suggested that the divergence between word and deed had been initially present in the New Labour international doctrine and that the 'ethical foreign policy' can be considered as one of the tools of Realpolitik. The author concentrates on such aspects of the New Labour foreign policy as development, aid, debt relief, and arms trade, rather than on Blair’s just wars’ that are widely discussed in the Russian language historical literature and press.


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