Without Political Reform, Economic Reform will not Succeed

2016 ◽  
pp. 240-253
Author(s):  
Wu Jinglian ◽  
Ma Guochuan ◽  
Xiaofeng Hua ◽  
Nancy Hearst

Significance Currency exchange liberalisation starting with a 100% devaluation on September 5 is the first substantive domestic policy reform of Shavqat Mirzioyev's presidency. A year after becoming interim president, Mirzioyev has made bold moves on foreign policy, modest but significant steps towards economic liberalisation and little or no political reform. Impacts Power struggles will be played out behind closed doors. Citizens already appear grateful to Mirzioyev for making life less tough. Although Mirzioyev is courting foreign states, none will come to his aid in a domestic crisis.


1990 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 289-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald Amann

This is a sequel to an article written by the same author, which was published in theJournalin 1986. The current pace of economic and political reform in the Soviet Union represents a ‘paradigm’ change, which Western specialists have found difficult and challenging to assimilate; concepts have lagged behind events. The key to understanding these changes and the reason why they have been so long delayed lies in the fusion of economic and political institutions formed during the Stalin period. The interdependence of economic and political factors is explored as a basis for understanding why political reform has been a necessary accompaniment to economic reform. One can discern in the pattern of political reform an attempt to increase the level of democratization without fundamentally destabilizing the political and social order. Since this strategy requires that a new political culture will take root faster than the growth of popular discontent at deteriorating economic performance and frustrated national aspirations, the author is pessimistic as to the outcome.


Author(s):  
Mamta Viswanath

Sen and Ambedkar represent different times in history, but they essentially want to tackle the same problems of political economy. On one hand, Ambedkar asserted that a social and economic reform must precede political reform in British India struggling to throw the yoke of colonial rule, on the other hand, in modern India, Sen enunciates how capacity building and capabilities approach to policy making can go a long way in strengthening democracy. As concerted policies in education have failed to deliver owing to the feudal mindset and incremental planning, it is time we look at issues of social justice, especially education, objectively. This paper examines the possible ways in which the thoughts and theories of these stalwarts can shape better public policies. To this end, a comparative study of themes like justice and democracy will be undertaken. Lastly, the paper analyses whether the Right to Education in India is a just policy when looked through the discerning eyes of Sen and Ambedkar.


2018 ◽  
Vol 08 (06) ◽  
pp. 1556-1586
Author(s):  
Mohammed Bani Salameh ◽  
Azzam Ananzeh ◽  
Mohammed Daradkah

Significance The decree reflects President Shavqat Mirzioyev's committment to an economic reform process -- a major task in the face of structural and institutional rigidity. Economic change has not been matched by political reform, despite some improvements to law enforcement. Impacts The reform process is at risk of being slowed or halted by the combined forces of inertia and vested interests. The practice of directing credit to favoured insiders will continue to disadvantage others in the private sector. Beijing's Belt and Road initiatives will be supported by Uzbekistan's increasingly collaborative government.


Asian Survey ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (6) ◽  
pp. 1172-1193
Author(s):  
Shiping Hua

The policy orientations reflected in the fifth amendment to China’s constitution combine some elements of Maoism (an emphasis on ideology, the party, and personality cult); some of the constitutional formality of the Republican era (1912–1949), such as Sun Yat-sen’s Wuquan Xianfa (Five Powers Constitution); and some elements of the legal tradition of China’s imperial past. These policy orientations were justified by a Maoist philosophical voluntarism: the relative detachment between the “economic base” and the “superstructure” justified the persistence of the Chinese cultural tradition and the notion that political reform does not have to accompany economic reform. On those areas that do not represent an imminent threat to the regime, such as economics and law in general, the fifth amendment is purposely vague, to give the regime flexibility in policymaking.


1996 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Lewis

The 1980s were bracketed by crises in Africa, as protracted economic malaise was succeeded by a wave of political reform. Analysts have sought to understand the sources of economic decline as well as the political requisites for recovery in the region. Neoclassical and structuralist analyses have been challenged by state-centric views of economic change. The latter perspective emphasizes the need for capable developmental states as a basis for long-term adjustment, but a political theory of economic change is still lacking. Such a theory must address the institutional foundations of growth, as well as the shifting basis of social coalitions in African regimes. Political liberalization suggests the possibility of a new setting for economic reform, though the effects of political reform on institutions and coalitions remain ambiguous, and democratization cannot be regarded as a panacea for the region's developmental failure. Future research must look more closely at the interests and structures in transitional regimes, and scholars should adopt a more comparative vantage on Africa's challenges of reform.


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