political reform
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Author(s):  
Adibah Abdul Rahim ◽  
Saud Muhammad

This study attempts at analysing Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi’s suggestions towards a revival of Islamic civilization as an alternative to the Western civilization. It is based on library research and is qualitative in nature as it basically focuses on textual analysis. Moreover, the major approaches are descriptive, analytical and evaluative. This study found that Nadwi believed in the capacities of Islamic civilization to be revived if the existing challenges are overcome. For him, despite its tremendous breakthroughs in the fields of science and technology, Western civilization is bound to fail due to its moral decline. Therefore, it is only an Islamic civilization which is overtaken by the Western civilization should lead the humanity. In light of his argument, this study explores the strategies provided by Nadwi for the development of Muslim society as a revival of Islamic civilization. It focuses on three basic domains, namely, intellectual, political, and institutional aspects of reform.  Keywords: Western civilization, Muslim leadership, Ijtihad, Jihad, Intellectual reform, Political reform, Institutional reform.  Abstrak Kajian ini cuba menganalisis cadangan Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi ke arah kebangkitan tamadun Islam sebagai alternatif kepada tamadun Barat. Ia berdasarkan penyelidikan perpustakaan dan sifat kualitatif di mana ia pada dasarnya memberi tumpuan kepada analisis tekstual. Selain itu, pendekatan utama adalah deskriptif, analisis dan penilaian. Kajian ini mendapati bahawa Nadwi percaya kepada keupayaan tamadun Islam untuk dihidupkan semula jika cabaran sedia ada dapat diatasi. Baginya, walaupun kejayaannya yang luar biasa dalam bidang sains dan teknologi, tamadun Barat sebenarnnya gagal kerana kemerosotan moralnya. Oleh itu, Nadwi menegaskan bahawa hanyalah tamadun Islam yang harus memimpin manusia. Kajian ini meneroka hujah Nadwi tentang strategi untuk pembangunan masyarakat Islam sebagai usaha ke arah kebangkitan semula tamadun Islam. Ia memberi tumpuan kepada tiga domain asas, iaitu, intelektual, politik, dan aspek institusi pembaharuan.  Kata Kunci: Tamadun Barat, Kepimpinan Islam, Ijtihad,  Jihad, Pembaharuan Intelektual, Pembaharuan Politik, Pembaharuan Institusi.


2021 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 17-32
Author(s):  
Andrei Dălălău

After the collapse of the communist regime in Eastern Europe, political parties were faced with the necessity of building political legitimacy. This research aims to find out how political myths were instrumentalized by political leaders during the presidential campaigns in order to gain popular support. In the first part, the article focuses on defining “myth” as a legitimizing political instrument. In the second part four political myths used in the early 1990s in Romania are being analyzed: the myth of the interwar period, the myth of original democracy, the myth of political reform and the providential man. The method used is political discourse and party platform analysis. The results suggest that, during the early 90s, different political groups tried to build their legitimacy using political myths instead of rational politics, which ended up in their failure to address the real issues of a changing society.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Erin Beck

Abstract A scholarly consensus depicts strong, autonomous domestic women's movements as critical for the passage of gender equality reforms, alongside openings in domestic and international political contexts. What, then, is a nascent women's movement seeking gender equality reforms to do if it lacks strength or a history of autonomous organizing? A long-term analysis of the Guatemalan women's movement's push for reforms to address violence against women demonstrates that one potential road forward is through a “politics of patience,” rooted in the pursuit of cumulative, incremental victories. Adopting a politics of patience allows nascent domestic movements in developing and post-transition contexts to achieve incremental victories that create future political openings while simultaneously building movement strength and autonomy over time. This finding highlights the temporal and strategic power of women's movements, as well as the iterative and potentially reinforcing nature of social mobilization and political reform.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019145372110405
Author(s):  
William E. Scheuerman

Climate activists have recently engaged in widely publicized acts of politically motivated lawbreaking. This article identifies and critically analyzes two seemingly overlapping but in fact diverging approaches among present-day activists. Though their illegal acts (e.g., blockades, occupations, and selective property damage) sometimes appear equivalent, the rival approaches place them in contrasting lights; the resulting differences are normatively and politically consequential. The first and now predominant approach favors nonviolent civil disobedience, understood in conventional terms as civil, conscientious, nonviolent, public lawbreaking. Though this approach exhibits many strengths, its proponents sometimes rely on problematic usages of recent political science scholarship that cannot withstand critical scrutiny. The second approach views nonviolent civil disobedience as insufficiently militant and instead aims primarily to block and disrupt our fossil fuel-driven political economy. Its preferred mode of political illegality is sabotage. Less concerned than the first approach with altering public opinion, it generally writes off the prospect of meaningful political reform. Though both approaches rely on the idea of a “climate emergency” to justify their activities, the second approach provides a vivid warning of its possible dangers. Although the momentous threats posed by global warming are undeniable, the idea of a climate emergency risks opening the door to political avant-gardism and, potentially, authoritarianism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 31-66
Author(s):  
Ryan Walter

This chapter establishes a new context for reading the political economy of Malthus and Ricardo. It is the extended debate over the role of theory and practice in politics and political reform, a contest that Edmund Burke launched by publishing his hostile response to the French Revolution, Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790). In attempting to defend theory, both Mackintosh and Stewart engaged in sophisticated rhetoric that attempted to portray Burke’s veneration of custom and usage as philosophically naïve at the same time as they insisted on the necessity of theory for a science of politics. It is in these defensive postures that both Mackintosh and Stewart came to articulate the idea of a ‘theorist’ of politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-56
Author(s):  
Lyubov Shishelina

As a result of the Czech-Russian political conflict that began on April 17-18, 2021, there appeared trends in the relations between Russia and Central European countries that are capable of rolling them back to the period of "velvet revolutions”. The conflict started with diplomatic withdrawals on the Czech side and then on the Russian, gradually had been enriched by the new and new accusations thus transforming it into a general political conflict, the unprecedented escalation of tension between Moscow and Central Europe since transformational revolutions here. At the same time, it revealed the intentions of the sides to seek recognition of their rightness at any cost. The history of this largest confrontation between Prague and Moscow since 19G8 is based on the unsettled nature of many issues of post-Soviet coexistence, such as the parity of diplomatic representation, as a result of which the Russian embassy in Prague turned into the second largest after London. In addition, there was a lack of political reform of in the Czech-Russian relations, taking into account the Czech Republic's membership in the new Euro-Atlantic structures against the background of clearly progressing economic cooperation. Meanwhile, as the author of the article states,the issues that have appeared on the surface of these relations require an immediate solution, which will be difficult – especially for Moscow in the light of the recently progressive confrontational nature of relations between Russia and both some individual states and Euro-Atlantic structures as a whole.


2021 ◽  
pp. 505-522
Author(s):  
Daniel Byman

This chapter examines a range of strategic options violent nonstate actors such as terrorist groups and insurgencies have used over the years with varying degrees of success. These include trying to wear down government forces, attracting significant foreign help, winning over the local population, and intimidating a range of foes in the hope of undermining the government. In many cases, strategies focus on organizational survival, trying to endure and attract resources and recruits while making an area ungovernable or inhospitable for regime forces. The chapter weighs the requirements, strengths, and weaknesses of each approach and how the enemy government shapes the best strategy for the group. It illustrates its arguments with examples from history and a longer description of the Palestinian experience. The chapter concludes by discussing how states might disrupt violent rebel group strategies through diplomacy, political reform, better intelligence, and effective military operations.


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