Public Opinion and Human Rights

Author(s):  
James Ron ◽  
Shannon Golden ◽  
David Crow ◽  
Archana Pandya

This chapter first sets out the book’s purpose, which is to examine the interaction between global South publics and human rights ideas and organizations. This chapter underscores the importance of the book’s key concepts: human rights, local human rights organizations, and public opinion. The chapter then discusses the four case studies—India, Mexico, Morocco, and Nigeria—that are the focus of the present inquiry, and explains why these countries were selected. It goes on to describe the book’s mixed-methods approach and introduce the Human Rights Perceptions Polls, followed by a brief overview of key findings.

2016 ◽  
Vol 130 ◽  
pp. 546-566 ◽  
Author(s):  
O. Guerra-Santin ◽  
N. Romero Herrera ◽  
E. Cuerda ◽  
D. Keyson

2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anastasia Loukaitou-Sideris ◽  
Silvia Gonzalez ◽  
Paul Ong

Neighborhood change is a complex phenomenon that may result in a range of physical, demographic, and economic changes in a locality. Using four case studies of transit neighborhoods in Los Angeles, this study utilizes a mixed-methods approach to examine a particular aspect of neighborhood change—gentrification. The article also compares and contrasts the type of data gathered by different methods to help us understand each method’s potential and limitations in capturing gentrification trends in neighborhoods.


Slavic Review ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 442-462 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Grodsky

According to scholars of resource dependency, foreign funding can weaken rather than strengthen civil society abroad, ultimately impeding its effectiveness. Yet the spate of recent “democratic revolutions” in semiauthoritarian, postcommunist states suggests that pumping foreign money into the nongovernmental sphere can be an effective strategy. In this paper Brian Grodsky argues that a critical factor in assessing the likelihood that a given organizational movement will succumb to the ills of resource dependency is the type of politicization within that movement. Those organizations composed of members primarily motivated by ideology are logically less likely to succumb to resource dependency than those organizations dominated by political aspirants intent on converting democratization into their own political power. Two case studies, communist-era Poland and contemporary Uzbekistan, provide support for this theory.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 285-304
Author(s):  
Alex J. Bellamy ◽  
Ivan Šimonović

Abstract Atrocity prevention is a difficult and complex undertaking, one that needs concerted effort by multiple stakeholders to be successful. This article seeks to help bridge the acknowledged gap between the promise of atrocity prevention and its implementation by providing an introduction about lessons learned from various case studies. By doing so, it seeks to develop an evidence base of effective atrocity prevention efforts to benefit practitioners of atrocity prevention. To ensure the evaluation is as rigorous as possible, five principles were incorporated into the research. One, to apply a reasonableness test so as not to confuse association with causation. Two, use a mixed methods approach for data collection. Three, triangulate data with multiple sources. Four, validate data with participants and experts to determine a level of accuracy. And five, consider a counterfactual argument of what would have happened if the preventive action(s) had not occurred.


Author(s):  
Andrew Blick

UK Politics gives an introduction to this subject, providing the foundational understanding, critical perspectives, and historical knowledge needed to make sense of politics in the UK today. Part I looks at the way people are governed in the UK. This includes an analysis of the Cabinet and the Prime Minster, parliament, and the UK and human rights. Part 2 looks at how people participate in politics through examining the party system, elections, and voting. It also considers the issue of referendums. The third part is about how society affects UK politics. This part of the text examines communication and public opinion and considers identity, equality, and power. The final part is about the UK relates to the rest of the world. The key concepts here are devolution, local government, the nations and the union, and the outside world.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 138-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Md Moazzem Hossain ◽  
Mahmood Ahmed Momin ◽  
Anna Lee Rowe ◽  
Mohammed Quaddus

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore corporate social and environmental reporting (CSER) practices and motivations in Bangladesh. Design/methodology/approach Using a mixed-methods approach, the paper attempts to understand what corporate social and environmental issues Bangladeshi firms are reporting and why. The paper first explores the motivations for CSER in line with O’Dwyer’s (2003) proposed classifications of proactive and reactive motivations through interviews and frames its findings using stakeholder theory. To provide a more holistic view, content analysis adapted from CSR Asia (2008) categorization (broadly guided by GRI) was conducted to enhance findings from engagement-based interviews with managers. Findings The paper finds that “community investment and development” and “governance codes and policies” received the highest amount of disclosure, while the least amount of disclosure was found in the “workplace/human rights” category. Although a philanthropic tone was found behind “community investment”, such as poverty alleviation activities, disclosure in this area is mostly motivated by proactive rationales with enlightened self-interest and image-building activities. In terms of reactive motivations underpinning CSER, the paper finds that companies also report reactively to reduce pressure from powerful stakeholders such as international buyers and government agencies. Contrary to other studies regarding reactive motivations, the authors argue that a director’s proactive motivation is the prime determinant of CSER in a developing country. They also argue that low-level disclosures on workplace environment/human rights need to be given more importance by policymakers, management and other relevant stakeholders. Originality/value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, the study is one of the few engagement-based field studies that uses a mixed-methods approach to seek managerial perspectives in an attempt to understand CSER practices in an emerging country context.


Author(s):  
James Ron ◽  
Shannon Golden ◽  
David Crow ◽  
Archana Pandya

This chapter surveys global South publics’ definitions of “human rights” and perceptions of local human rights organizations. Many human rights practitioners fear negative public opinions about human rights ideas and organizations, such as seeing them as protecting criminals or terrorists, imposing foreign ideas, or offering a rhetorical “cover” for offenses of governments. Data show, however, that people generally regard “human rights” very positively and have high levels of trust in local human rights organizations. Another key finding is that pro-human rights constituents generally have anti-power worldviews, including mistrust in their national governments, the US government, and multinational corporations. Findings do not show evidence of a strong middle class human rights constituency, as some have argued, but instead suggest a constituency based more in worldview or ideology than materialist explanations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 393-405
Author(s):  
James Ron ◽  
Archana Pandya ◽  
David Crow

2019 ◽  
pp. 81-105
Author(s):  
Alan Gamlen

Chapter 4 provides new information about specific case studies of three well-known diaspora engagement efforts: the Institute for Mexicans Abroad, the Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs, and the Department of Eritreans Abroad. Emphasizing the strengths of a mixed-methods approach, the chapter quotes and comments on extensive passages from in-depth elite interviews with senior policy makers in these countries. The chapter fleshes out the dynamics of regime shock and diaspora institution formation introduced previously. In all three cases, diaspora institutions have, in various ways, responded to major territorial reconfigurations and involved elements of human geopolitical claims over population rather than territory.


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