Environmental Approaches to Soviet Central Asia

Author(s):  
Sarah Cameron

The vast region known as “Soviet Central Asia” encompassed the territory of five Soviet republics, Kazakhstan, Kirgizia, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan. Because of the region’s environmental features, particularly its aridity, historically there had been a close linkage between people and the environment in this region. But the Soviet regime set out to radically reshape this relationship, focusing on the fields of agriculture and animal husbandry, large-scale water engineering, nuclear and biological weapons testing, and medicine and public health. By focusing on the environmental impact of these policies, scholars can see how Moscow’s efforts brought many benefits to the region. Cotton production boomed, and Moscow declared the eradication of malaria. But they also left horrific scars. Josef Stalin’s program of agricultural collectivization devastated Kazakhstan, resulting in the death of more than 1.5 million people. The Aral Sea, once one of the world’s largest bodies of water, began to shrink dramatically during the Soviet era, a development due in large part to Moscow’s efforts to divert the waters that fed the sea to cotton production.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Müller ◽  
Andrey Dara ◽  
Christopher Krause ◽  
Mayra Daniela Peña-Guerrero ◽  
Tillman Schmitz ◽  
...  

<p>Water withdrawals for irrigated crop production constitute the largest global consumer of blue water resources. Monitoring the dynamics of irrigated crop cultivation allows to track changes in water consumption of irrigated cropping, which is particularly paramount in water-scarce arid and semi-arid areas. We analyzed changes in irrigated crop cultivation along with occurrence of hydrological droughts for the Amu Darya river basin of Central Asia (534,700 km<sup>2</sup>), once the largest tributary river to the Aral Sea before large-scale irrigation projects have grossly reduced the amount of water that reaches the river delta. We used annual and seasonal spectral-temporal metrics derived from Landsat time series to quantify the three predominant cropping practices in the region (first season, second season, double cropping) for every year between 1988 and 2020. We further derived unbiased area estimates for the cropping classes at the province level based on a stratified random sample (n=2,779). Our results reveal a small yet steady decrease in irrigated second season cultivation across the basin. Regionally, we observed a gradual move away from cotton monocropping in response to the policy changes that were instigated since the mid-1990s. We compared the observed cropping dynamics to the occurrence of hydrological droughts, i.e., periods with inadequate water resources for irrigation. We find that areas with higher drought risks rely more on irrigation of the second season crops. Overall, our analysis provides the first fine-scale, annual crop type maps for the irrigated areas in the Amu Darya basin. The results shed light on how institutional changes and hydroclimatic factors that affect land-use decision-making, and thus the dynamics of crop type composition, in the vast irrigated areas of Central Asia.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (20) ◽  
pp. 3430
Author(s):  
Wei Wang ◽  
Alim Samat ◽  
Yongxiao Ge ◽  
Long Ma ◽  
Abula Tuheti ◽  
...  

A lack of long-term soil wind erosion data impedes sustainable land management in developing regions, especially in Central Asia (CA). Compared with large-scale field measurements, wind erosion modeling based on geospatial data is an efficient and effective method for quantitative soil wind erosion mapping. However, conventional local-based wind erosion modeling is time-consuming and labor-intensive, especially when processing large amounts of geospatial data. To address this issue, we developed a Google Earth Engine-based Revised Wind Erosion Equation (RWEQ) model, named GEE-RWEQ, to delineate the Soil Wind Erosion Potential (SWEP). Based on the GEE-RWEQ model, terabytes of Remote Sensing (RS) data, climate assimilation data, and some other geospatial data were applied to produce monthly SWEP with a high spatial resolution (500 m) across CA between 2000 and 2019. The results show that the mean SWEP is in good agreement with the ground observation-based dust storm index (DSI), satellite-based Aerosol Optical Depth (AOD), and Absorbing Aerosol Index (AAI), confirming that GEE-RWEQ is a robust wind erosion prediction model. Wind speed factors primarily determined the wind erosion in CA (r = 0.7, p < 0.001), and the SWEP has significantly increased since 2011 because of the reversal of global terrestrial stilling in recent years. The Aral Sea Dry Lakebed (ASDLB), formed by shrinkage of the Aral Sea, is the most severe wind erosion area in CA (47.29 kg/m2/y). Temporally, the wind erosion dominated by wind speed has the largest spatial extent of wind erosion in Spring (MAM). Meanwhile, affected by the spatial difference of the snowmelt period in CA, the wind erosion hazard center moved from the southwest (Karakum Desert) to the middle of CA (Kyzylkum Desert and Muyunkum Desert) during spring. According to the impacts of land cover change on the spatial dynamic of wind erosion, the SWEP of bareland was the highest, while that of forestland was the lowest.


2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 593-614 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anatoly Krutov ◽  
Max Spoor

AbstractIn the not-too-distant future, the former Soviet Central Asia could be confronted with resource-based conflicts or even, as some observers have suggested, with a "water war." Water is the scarce commodity in a region that is rich in oil, gas, and mineral resources. Most of the water comes from two rivers, the Syr Darya and the Amu Darya. These feed the Aral Sea, previously the fourth largest inland fresh (actually brackish) water reservoir in the world. These rivers and their tributaries, together, form the Aral Sea basin. Since the 1960s, the Aral Sea has shrunk rapidly in surface area and in volume of water, representing "one of the world's worst ecological disasters." Increased demand for water for irrigation and hydroelectric power by the competing newly independent states, both upstream and downstream, is a potential source of interstate and even interethnic conflict. The latter could occur in the densely populated Ferghana Valley, where various countries such as Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan share common borders.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 238-243
Author(s):  
M. H. Glantz

The region historically referred to as Soviet Central Asia includes the 5 Central Asian Republics (CARs) of the Former Soviet Union (FSU): Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. Their political status changed drastically when the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991 and they became independent republics. Since the early 1990s, Central Asian leaders have referred on occasion to neighboring Afghanistan as the sixth CAR. In fact, it does occupy 14% of the Aral Sea Basin and its mountains supply about 15% of streamflow to the region’s mighty Amu Darya River that used to flow into Central Asia’s Aral Sea.


Humanities ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Craig Benjamin

Central Asia has one of the deepest and richest histories of any region on the planet. First settled some 6500 years ago by oasis-based farming communities, the deserts, steppe and mountains of Central Asia were subsequently home to many pastoral nomadic confederations, and also to large scale complex societies such as the Oxus Civilization and the Parthian and Kushan Empires. Central Asia also functioned as the major hub for trans-Eurasian trade and exchange networks during three distinct Silk Roads eras. Throughout much of the second millennium of the Common Era, then under the control of a succession of Turkic and Persian Islamic dynasties, already impressive trading cities such as Bukhara and Samarkand were further adorned with superb madrassas and mosques. Many of these suffered destruction at the hands of the Mongols in the 13th century, but Timur and his Timurid successors rebuilt the cities and added numerous impressive buildings during the late-14th and early-15th centuries. Further superb buildings were added to these cities by the Shaybanids during the 16th century, yet thereafter neglect by subsequent rulers, and the drying up of Silk Roads trade, meant that, by the mid-18th century when expansive Tsarist Russia began to incorporate these regions into its empire, many of the great pre- and post-Islamic buildings of Central Asia had fallen into ruin. This colonization of the region by the Russians, and its later incorporation into the Union of Society Socialist Republics in 1919, brought Central Asia to the attention of Russian and Soviet archaeologists and urban planners. It was these town planners and engineers who were eventually responsible for preserving many of the decaying monuments and historic urban cores of Central Asia, despite the often-challenging ideological constraints they were forced to work under. The paper focuses particularly on the effect of these preservation policy decisions in Uzbekistan, where the process has been best documented. It argues that Soviet authorities struggled constantly with ways of recognizing the need for historical preservation while at the same time creating a new society that had cast off the shackles of its ‘feudal past’.


1946 ◽  
Vol 15 (11) ◽  
pp. 169-172
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Steiger

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