The Rise of Paganism and the Far Right in Europe

Author(s):  
Kaarina Aitamurto

Since the end of the 19th century, pagan ideas have inspired some representatives of nationalist, conservative, and far right political ideologies. The idea of a native tradition connected to land and ancestry, as well as the image of organic, hierarchical societies with warrior values, has fascinated conservative thinkers. Paganism as the suppressed other has also served as a symbol for various subversive ideologies. However, the use of pagan symbols, mythology, and imagery in political movements is often superficial. Therefore, it is crucial to distinguish between different forms of paganism. While some appear more unambiguously religious, others can be better described as political, cultural, or philosophical paganism. Having said that, neither contemporary pagan religious movements nor pagan-inspired politics can be understood separately from each other. Ideas, concepts, and individuals move between the two, and they are both shaped by changes in the surrounding society. In the early 21st century, the mainstream pagan religious organizations of many European countries have adopted a generally apolitical and anti-racist stance. However, the rise of xenophobia and far right parties provides fertile ground for the rise of illiberal and exclusivist forms of paganism as well.

Author(s):  
Rafa Martínez ◽  
Fernando J. Padilla Angulo

During the transition from ancien régime to liberalism that took place in Spain during the first third of the 19th century, the military became a prominent political actor. Many soldiers were members of the country’s first liberal parliament, which in 1812 passed one of the world’s oldest liberal charters, the so-called Constitution of Cádiz. Furthermore, the armed forces fought against the Napoleonic Army’s occupation and, once the Bourbon monarchy was restored, often took arms against the established power. Nineteenth-century Spain was prey to instability due to the struggle between conservative, progressive, liberal, monarchical, and republican factions. It was also a century full of missed opportunities by governments, constitutions, and political regimes, in which the military always played an active role, often a paramount one. Army and navy officers became ministers and heads of government during the central decades of the 19th century, often after a coup. This changed with the establishment of a parliamentary monarchy based on a bipartisan system known as the Restoration (1874–1923). The armed forces were kept away from politics. They focused on their professional activities, thus developing a corporate attitude and an ideological cohesion around a predominantly conservative political stance. Ruling the empire gave the armed forces a huge sphere of influence. Only chief officers were appointed as governors of the Spanish territories in America, Africa, and Asia throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. This went unchanged until 1976, when Spain withdrew from Western Sahara, deemed the country’s last colony. The power accumulated in the overseas territories was often used by the governors to build a political career in metropolitan Spain. Following the end of the Restoration in 1923, the armed forces engaged with the political struggle in full again. After a military-led dictatorship, a frustrated republic, and a fratricidal civil war, a dictatorship was established in 1939 that lasted for almost 40 years: the Francoist regime. Francisco Franco leaned on the military as a repressive force and a legitimacy source for a regime established as a result of a war. After the dictator passed away in 1975, Spain underwent a transition to democracy which was accepted by the armed forces somehow reluctantly, as the coup attempt of 1981 made clear. At that time, the military was the institution that Spanish society trusted the least. It was considered a poorly trained and equipped force. Even its troops’ volume and budget were regarded as excessive. However, the armed forces have undergone an intense process of modernization since the end of 1980s. They have become fully professional, their budget and numbers have been reduced, and they have successfully taken part in European Union (EU), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and United Nations (UN)-led international missions. In the early 21st century, the armed forces are Spain’s second-best valued institution. Far from its formerly interventionist role throughout the 19th century and a good deal of the 20th, Spain’s armed forces in the 21st century have become a state tool and a public administration controlled by democratically elected governments.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Saefudin A Safi'i

This paper examines the Indonesian Islamic education tradition from the 19th Century to the early 21st Century. The data in this paper were obtained from written sources as well as several previous studies. The results reveal that the Islamic education tradition begins with religious recitation, which is taught individually (not collectively or in a classical system) in a teacher’s house, langgar, or surau. The relationship pattern between Islamic (pesantren-madrasah) and the regular education system is associated with Indonesia’s Islamic education system development. This pattern occurred in the 19th to the beginning of the 21st Century and is divided into two episodes. During the first two centuries (19th and 20th centuries), the Islamic education system (religious sciences organized by individuals, organizations, or government institutions) was still differentiated (convergence or synthesis) from the ordinary school education system (general sciences). At the beginning of the 21st Century, the relationship between the two education systems has indicated knowledge integration, although it is still minimal. So far, it has been rigidly divided between “religious sciences” on the one hand and “general sciences” on the other, leading to an integrated knowledge discourse. If this pattern is desired, an Islamic boarding school for higher education will be created. In which “general knowledge” is given during the day, and “religious knowledge” (Al-Qur’an and Kitab) is taught in the evening. This tradition has become a model for curriculum synthesis between the religious sciences and the general sciences to form the Islamic higher education institution.


2020 ◽  
pp. 171-179
Author(s):  
N. N. Fedina ◽  

The paper describes the phonetic correlations found in the records done by V. V. Radlov (1866–1907), N. A. Baskakov (1934–1952), and modern Chalkan records (2010–2019). We show certain phonetic shifts that have taken place since the middle of the 19th century: spirantization of labial consonants in the inlaut; the shifts in consonants: j-č-t’; elimination of the auslaut -ғ (-ɣ). Graphic correlations are also shown in anlaut: p- (mid-19th century), b- (mid-20th century), p- (early 21st century). The text analysis in the diachronic aspect allowed us to assume that the anlaut grapheme “b” in the texts of N. A. Baskakov is not a confirmation of the presence of the corresponding sound [b] in the language of the Chalkans of the beginning of the 20th century. The use of the analog sound [p] instead of [b] is evidenced by the materials of V. V. Radlov. N. A. Baskakov most likely used the grapheme “b” in his texts to reflect Chalkan speech at the beginning of the 20th century by analogy with other Turkic closely related languages in which this sound is present. Graphic correlations are also shown in inlaut: -џ- (mid-19th century), -dž- / -ž- (mid-20th century), -ž- / -š’- (early 21st century). Graphic variations stem from the fact that the Chalkan language remains unwritten to this day, and for the transmission of national speech, researchers and native speakers use graphics of written Altai and Russian languages, adapting it to the features of their speech.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-129
Author(s):  
Linda Williams

How and why did pornography become the lust-inducing genre we are familiar with today? Why did it narrow its once wide purpose of social critique to only producing sexual arousal and satisfaction? While many scholars have assumed that an encroaching realism of both media and subject matter have brought about this familiarity, this article follows the work of Jonathan Crary to suggest that one overlooked factor might be an important change that took place in the very regime of the visible over the course of the 19th century. During this period a distanced, centered and contemplative geometrical perspective gave way to a bewildering array of subjective, physiological bodily effects and sensations produced within the bodies of observers. In approaching this question from the perspective of the early 21st century and taking account of models of both rupture and continuity, it becomes possible to understand moving-image pornography as a genre whose primary emotion was lust.


Author(s):  
Hermann Kreutzmann

The Pamirs have been a contested space in different periods of time. Access to fertile pastures characterized the local economic competition between nomads and mountain farmers. International attention reached its peak when the Pamirs became a pawn in the “Great Game”; during the second half of the 19th century, Great Britain and Russia disputed control over the mountainous area. Local and regional interests took on a subordinate role. The imperial contest resulted in dividing the Pamirs among four interested parties that are nowadays independent countries: Afghanistan, Pakistan, Tajikistan, and China. Since the division, separate developments have emerged in all parts that are abodes of farmers and pastoralists who share a common heritage but have experienced quite different political and social developments. Thus the Pamirs represent a focal region of similar ecological properties in which political and socioeconomic developments that originated in the 19th century have changed development paths through the Cold War period until the early 21st century. From Tsarist Russia to post-independence Tajikistan, from the Afghan monarchy to the post-Taliban republic, from British India to Pakistan, and from the Middle Kingdom to contemporary China, political interventions such as nationality policies and regional autonomy, sociotechnical experiments such as collectivization and subsequent deregulation, and varying administrative systems provide insight into external domination that has shaped separate developments in the Pamirs. In the early 21st century, the Pamirs experienced a revaluation as a transit corridor for transcontinental traffic arteries.


ICONI ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 37-47
Author(s):  
Marya Yu. Gendova ◽  

The article is devoted to the theme of the Baroque style on the Russian ballet scene of the end of the 19th century, and the focus of attention of this research steps over the bounds of the indicated time period, dwelling upon the reflection of Baroque subject matter on the 20th and early 21st century art of ballet. The author does not analyze the plotline basis of ballet performances and does not attempt to search for stylistic attributes of the Baroque period which would confirm the ballet’s pertaining to the Baroque era. The author determines as her main goal the aspiration to comprehend the fundamental — philosophical, value-based and spiritually significant — dominant ideas of human existence which are relevant beyond time and, hence, significant today, as well: the themes of personality, time, good and evil, stereotypes and algorithms (the theme of liberty), the theme of allusions. The author finds it important to comprehend how, conformably with the baroque worldview, they disclosed themselves in the late 19th century art of ballet (during the era of Marius Petitpas’ late productions, which was the flourishing of the Baroque style in ballet), exerting an impact on its plotline and architectonic structure. While preserving the retrospective-explorative vector of her research, the author poses the question, why do these specific concepts of the epoch’s worldview, as well as the constructive peculiarities of the baroque manner of ballet production has manifested itself in the art of 20th and 21st century ballet-masters George Balanchine and Alexei Miroshnichenko.


In 2020 Cabo Verde (1557 sq. miles) and São Tomé and Príncipe (621 sq. miles) had a resident population of 556,857 and 210,240 respectively. Both archipelagos were uninhabited when they were settled by Portuguese colonists and African slaves in the second half of the 15th century. The coexistence of Europeans and Africans resulted in the emergence of Creole societies. Due to their differences in geographic position and climate, they developed unequally in economic terms. Santiago, the first of the Cabo Verde Islands to be settled, became a commercial hub for the slave trade from the Upper Guinea coast. São Tomé was also engaged in the slave trade, but in the 16th century established the first tropical plantation economy based on sugar and slave labor. In the 17th century, both archipelagos were affected by economic and demographic decline. Economic recovery did not occur before the mid-19th century. The British established a coal supply station for transatlantic steam shipping in São Vicente, while, enabled by the introduction of coffee and cocoa, the Portuguese reestablished the plantation economy in São Tomé and Príncipe. After the abolition of slavery in 1875 the workforce was composed of contract workers from Angola, Cabo Verde, and Mozambique. As a result, São Tomé and Príncipe became marked by immigration for almost a century. In contrast, pushed by famines and misery, a massive emigration from Cabo Verde began in the 19th century, a feature that has marked the archipelago’s society and identity until the early 21st century. The first anticolonial groups in exile appeared in the late 1950s. An armed liberation struggle in the islands was not possible; however, a group of Cabo Verdeans participated in the armed struggle in Portuguese Guinea. Most prominent among them was Amílcar Cabral (b. 1924–d. 1973). After independence in 1975 the two countries became socialist one-party regimes. In 1990 both archipelagos introduced multiparty democracies with semipresidential regimes. Creole communities also developed in the Gulf of Guinea islands of Bioko (779 square miles) and Annobón (6.5 sq. miles), which belonged to Portugal until 1778 when they became part of Spanish Guinea which subsequently, in 1968, gained independence as Equatorial Guinea. In the 16th century the uninhabited island of Annobón was settled by the Portuguese with African slaves. As a result, the island’s early-21st-century 5,300 inhabitants speak a Portuguese-based Creole, Fá d’Ambó. Bioko (Fernando Po), was the only Gulf of Guinea Island with a native population, the Bubi, and therefore the Portuguese never colonized this island. From 1827–1843 the British navy maintained an antislaving station called Port Clarence (modern Malabo) in Fernando Po. The British recruited workers from Freetown in Sierra Leone, which was the beginning of the development of the Fernandinos, a local Creole community that speaks an English-based Creole language known as Pichi, which is closely related to Krio in Sierra Leone. Currently, there are still about thirty Fernandino families, comprising some 350 people; however, Pichi is spoken by an estimated 150,000 people, since it also became Bioko’s lingua franca spoken by the Bubi majority.


Author(s):  
Andrei N. Komarov ◽  

The article reveals an evolution of political ideologies in Canada in 1993–2019. Following the Russian and foreign historiography, as well as the election programs of Conservatives and Liberals, the author analyzes the influence of political ideologies on the voting of Canadian voters in parliamentary elections in the late 20th – early 21st centuries. The author of the article comes to the conclusion that Canada is still a country committed to political ideologies. He also considers as unacceptable the thesis about an absence of ideologies in Canada within the existing post-industrial society. The author believes that the model for political development of Canada, laid down in the second half of the 19th century by the founders of the state, is still effective at the present time. In a post-industrial society, Canada clearly follows national traditions based on previously developed political ideologies. That is what constitutes the foundation for the rule-of-law state and civil society in Canada. The author emphasizes that, despite the activities of other political movements, conservative and liberal ideologies represent the leading directions of the state development in Canada. Other political ideologies, like social democracy, are largely secondary and do not determine the present and future of the Canadian state.


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-14
Author(s):  
Béla Mester

The paper analyses a well‐known phenomenon, that of the 19th century Central European so‐called “national philosophies”. However, the philosophical heritages of the Central European countries have their roles in the national identities; historians of philosophy in these countries know; our philosophies have common institutional roots with our neighbours. The paper deadlines paradigmatic problems from the Hungarian and Slovakian philosophy: the Latin language in philosophy, the different role of Kantianism and Hegelianism in the national cultures, and the problems of canonisation. Vengrų ir slovakų nacionalinių filosofijų komparatyvistinė istoriografija: Vidurio Europos atvejis Santrauka Straipsnyje tyrinėjamas gerai žinomas fenomenas, XIX a. Vidurio Europoje vadinamas „nacionalinėmis filosofijomis“. Kad ir kaip būtų, filosofiniai Vidurio Europos valstybių palikimai turi įtakos nacionaliniams tapatumams, ir tai žino šių valstybių filosofijos istorikai. Mūsų ir mūsų kaimynų filosofijos turi bendrąsias paprotines šaknis. Straipsnyje brėžiama paradigminių vengrų ir slovakų filosofijos problemų perskyra pagal lotynų kalbą filosofijoje, skirtingą kantizmo ir hėgelizmo vaidmenį tautinėse kultūrose bei kanonizacijos problemas. Reikšminiai žodžiai: kanonizacija, Vidurio Europos filosofijos, hėgelizmas, vengrų filosofija, kantizmas, lotynų kalba filosofijoje, tautinis tapatumas, „nacionalinės filosofijos“, slovakų filosofija.


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