Intersecting oppressions; intersecting struggles: Race, class and subalternity

This article offers intersectional theories of racism another way to think about Gramsci’s work; it will explore how Gramsci operationalizes the category of subaltern groups. It begins by briefly reviewing how Gramsci’s work is discussed in contemporary theoretical approaches to racism in the work of Kimberlé Crenshaw, Patricia Hill Collins, Michael Omi and Howard Winant and Stuart Hall. It will stress important similarities regarding the relationship between structural and social forces, political ideologies and consciousness. It will note how both ‘intersectionality’ and ‘articulation’ (one variant of this concept discussed by Hall) show how racism can be amplified through the overlapping or overdetermination of identities, representations and societal effects. It continues by exploring how racism was overdetermined in the Italian national context during the time that Gramsci had lived (and relates it to contemporary theoretical frameworks that organize our understandings of race, racialization and racism). The article then explores how subalternity has been theorized away from the context in which Gramsci employed the term and interpreted, instead, from the twin perspectives of absolute domination and radical autonomy. The article concludes by reading subalternity alongside of race, class and as a substantive cultural question and, in addition, a question of strategy and political organization.

The Constitutionality of Compulsory Land Acquisition in Vietnam: Issues and Recommendations

This article identifies and analyzes the theoretical, constitutional, and practical bases for governmental land acquisition in Vietnam from a comparative perspective. The authors contrast political ideologies of private ownership and public interests to elucidate the grounds for compulsory acquisition of property for public uses. By reviewing constitutional provisions on compulsory land acquisition in several countries (Singapore, Korea, Australia, India, and the United States), and exploring Vietnam’s constitutional provisions on land acquisition for national defense, security and socio-economic development, this article analyzes some key themes of purposes, procedure, and compensation. The paper then suggests specific changes to Vietnam’s Land Law to increase transparency and to provide more legal safeguards for private users of property when government entities recover privately-used land for public purposes.

Transgender Microcelebrity Activists: Self-broadcasting as Politics

This research is a qualitative study of Natalie Wynn and Blaire White, two transgender women who empower themselves via social media. Through microcelebrity practices, these two figures have garnered audiences online to disseminate ideas pertaining to their political ideologies. I examine the transgender microcelebrities’ Instagram accounts and YouTube videos via Jerslev’s framework for microcelebrity practices based on observations of self-celebrification on YouTube. The observed content was then examined through a political activist lens using framework from Daskal on digital rights. Participatory technologies become a tool for mobilization and information sharing. Broadcasting one’s experiences and how they relate to larger dialectics of a minority group is political in nature. This self-representation is significant for minority groups that lack sufficient mainstream approval and media representation. This study cannot define what success looks like for a digital activist, as it would be difficult to find and measure qualitative actions directly resulting from self-broadcasting. As more communication takes place on computer-mediated technologies, it must be acknowledged these interactions do not take place within a vacuum, and effects are felt offline, even if we cannot measure each instance of influence from watching a 40-minute video on YouTube.

Legitimization Strategies used by Family Members in the ''Vikings'' TV Series

Vikings TV series is a historical drama centred around family members and their different political aspirations, implying different political ideologies. This article intends to investigate the legitimization strategies used by four family members of the Vikings TV Series, including Ragnar, Lagertha, Rollo, and Bjorn, to reveal their political ideologies. The data involve the analysis of four excerpts from season 4 that are analyzed qualitatively through an eclectic model involving Fairclough's critical discourse approach and Van Leeuwen's discursive legitimization strategies (2007). The article concluded that the four characters rely heavily on two types of strategies to achieve their political goals: the authorization strategy, including (personal and expert authorities) and rationalization strategy, basically the (goal-orientation and explanation ones).

Salafism, Sectarianism, and National Identity in Iraqi Kurdistan

This article examines the history of Salafism within the Kurdistan Region of Iraq using interviews, archives, social media, and an online survey. Despite Salafism and nationalism generally being seen as rival political ideologies, Kurdish Salafis have over the last decade increasingly linked their sectarian struggle to the Kurdish ethno-nationalist cause. Such efforts provide new understandings both of Salafism and of Kurdish nationalism while also potentially destabilizing the alliance between Kurdish nationalist and Shi'i sectarian parties that has governed Iraq since 2003.

Discours politique sur la pandémie du COVID-19: une étude de cas des allocutions télédiffusées de Sánchez et Macron en mars 2020

Partiendo de los postulados del análisis crítico del discurso, de la pragmática y la retórica, se estudiarán los procedimientos discursivos en el discurso político pronunciado por los dirigentes políticos en el marco de la pandemia actual. Los discursos de los jefes de Estado y de Gobierno francés y español, retransmitidos por los medios de comunicación en marzo de 2020 y cuyo objetivo primordial era decretar el estado de emergencia, constituyen el corpus del presente estudio. La metodología se basará en diversas categorías de análisis de recursos discursivos y retóricos (presuposiciones, metáforas, paralelismos), entre los que la deixis desempeñará un papel crucial como mecanismo fundamental de anclaje del material verbal en su contexto extralingüístico. Los resultados muestran características discursivas de las ideologías políticas en el poder en dos países vecinos, aunque culturalmente diversos: la France en guerre de Macron y la España unida de Sánchez. This study draws on Critical Discourse Analysis, Pragmatics, and Rhetoric to investigate some instances of political discourse within the framework of the current pandemic situation. In particular, I analyse the statements by Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez and French President Emmanuel Macron released in March 2020 and aimed at announcing the state of emergency in Spain and France respectively. Various categories of discursive and rhetorical resources are taken into account, such as presuppositions, metaphors, and parallels, among which deixis plays a crucial role as a fundamental mechanism for anchoring the verbal material in its extra-linguistic context. Strategic discursive functions are considered, above all in terms of persuasion and legitimacy, as expressed by the political leaders in question. The results highlight the discourse features of the political ideologies in power in two neighbouring, albeit culturally diverse countries: Macron’s France en guerre and Sánchez’s España unida.

Deliver Us From Evil: Morality's Ability to Divide and Conquer

<p>At one point there was consensus that morality was solely based on matters of harm and justice. However, with advances in cultural and anthropological research, Haidt and Joseph (2004) proposed a more expansive approach to morality, known as the Moral Foundations Theory. This theory highlights five foundations: Harm/Care and Fairness/Equality (Individualizing foundations) and Ingroup/Loyalty, Authority/Respect, and Purity/Sanctity (Binding foundations). Established links between the five foundations and political ideologies have been made, as well as broad links with religious affiliation in a US context. Considerably less research has been conducted on these foundations outside of an American context. Due to New Zealand’s particular ethnic composition, multi-party electoral politics and electoral system, and relatively secular climate, it makes for an ideal setting to investigate moral foundations in the context of political and religious ideology. I sampled 354 New Zealand participants (a mixture of general population and students: 39.5% male, 57.1% females, 3.4% other) on moral foundations, political self-identification, religious ideology, and individual-level individualism and collectivism. Political identification and religious ideologies were correlated with morality as predicted, with more conservative political and religious ideology being associated more strongly with the Binding foundations and more liberal political ideology being associated more strongly with the Individualizing. Furthermore, results raise speculation that the vertical dimension of individual-level cultural affiliation may be a strong predictor of morality endorsement alongside collectivism. This study replicates the connection between political and religious ideology, and morality but also adds additional insight into these relationships.</p>

Deliver Us From Evil: Morality's Ability to Divide and Conquer

<p>At one point there was consensus that morality was solely based on matters of harm and justice. However, with advances in cultural and anthropological research, Haidt and Joseph (2004) proposed a more expansive approach to morality, known as the Moral Foundations Theory. This theory highlights five foundations: Harm/Care and Fairness/Equality (Individualizing foundations) and Ingroup/Loyalty, Authority/Respect, and Purity/Sanctity (Binding foundations). Established links between the five foundations and political ideologies have been made, as well as broad links with religious affiliation in a US context. Considerably less research has been conducted on these foundations outside of an American context. Due to New Zealand’s particular ethnic composition, multi-party electoral politics and electoral system, and relatively secular climate, it makes for an ideal setting to investigate moral foundations in the context of political and religious ideology. I sampled 354 New Zealand participants (a mixture of general population and students: 39.5% male, 57.1% females, 3.4% other) on moral foundations, political self-identification, religious ideology, and individual-level individualism and collectivism. Political identification and religious ideologies were correlated with morality as predicted, with more conservative political and religious ideology being associated more strongly with the Binding foundations and more liberal political ideology being associated more strongly with the Individualizing. Furthermore, results raise speculation that the vertical dimension of individual-level cultural affiliation may be a strong predictor of morality endorsement alongside collectivism. This study replicates the connection between political and religious ideology, and morality but also adds additional insight into these relationships.</p>

Battle for the Airwaves during the First Indochina War

The VOV proudly proclaims September 7, 1945 as the foundational date for Vietnamese public radio, when the Declaration of Independence was read out on wireless for the first time. Vietnamese technicians who had been trained by the French set up a station in Hanoi to support the Viet Minh’s independence coalition. In December 1946, the French seized control of Hanoi again and established a new station, Radio Hanoi, at Rue Richaud (now Quán Sứ street). In contrast to the exclusive European radio clubs of the 1920s and 1930s, Radio Hanoi hired a troupe of Vietnamese musicians and actors who performed live on air and at popular venues in the capital between 1948 and the early 1950s. Their programming of entertainment and news in several languages appealed to Vietnamese and non-Vietnamese alike. Meanwhile the Viet Minh resumed their broadcasts of anti-colonial rhetoric from a discrete mountain location, but they struggled to sustain the attention of their listeners. To reengage with the public and draw listeners away from Radio Hanoi, they began to program communist-themed entertainment (music, poetry, stories, and short plays) alongside political news and information. Chapter 2 draws on oral histories, archival records, and historical broadcasts to reconstruct the sonic ambience of this creative conflict. The research investigates how composers, musicians, singers, and voice actors at both stations battled to nurture a resilient and attentive radio listenership with attractive artistic outputs that were often imbued with implicit (Radio Hanoi) and explicit (Viet Minh Radio) political ideologies.