Native Americans: Practice Interventions

Author(s):  
Miriam L. Bearse

This entry provides an overview of historical and current demographics, diversity, and cultural expressions of American Indian and Alaskan native communities in the United States. It discusses challenges related to historical traumas, colonial impacts, and current health risks and suggests some ways in which current theories and practices developed by theorists and communities can be utilized to address those challenges and promote healing. It also summarizes cultural and ethical concerns that practitioners working in and with native communities need to be aware of in order to work effectively and responsibly.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Samuel Faust ◽  
Benjamin Renton ◽  
Utibe R Essien ◽  
Celine R Gounder ◽  
Zhenqiu Lin ◽  
...  

Background: We sought to quantify whether there were statistically significant disparities along race and ethnicity lines during the early rollout of Covid-19 vaccine booster doses in the United States. We also studied whether such disparities replicated or widened disparities that had already been observed during the initial series rollout as of 2 months earlier (Janssen) or 6 months earlier (Pfizer-BioNTech or Moderna), which comprised the booster-eligible population. Methods: This cross-sectional study of US adults (ages ≥18 years) used public data from US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The observed shares of vaccine doses for each race and ethnicity were compared to the expected shares, predicted based upon the compositions of the booster-eligible and initial series-eligible populations. Results: As of November 16, 2021, 123.5 million US adults were eligible for a booster dose of either the Pfizer-BioNTech, Moderna, or Janssen vaccines. Of these, 21.7 million had received a booster dose, among whom race and ethnicity information was available for 18.8 million booster recipients. A statistically significant higher share of Non-Hispanic White and Non-Hispanic Multiple/Other race individuals had received a booster vaccination than projected based on the composition of the booster-eligible population. A statistically significant lower share of Hispanic, Non-Hispanic American Indian/Alaskan Native, Non-Hispanic Asian, Non-Hispanic Black, and Non-Hispanic Native Hawaiian/Other Pacific Islander individuals had received a booster vaccination than expected based on the booster-eligible population. A secondary analysis of the booster-eligible population found that some of these disparities had already occurred at the time of the initial series. However, the booster campaign widened all of those disparities and added new disparities for Non-Hispanic American Indian/Alaskan Native and Non-Hispanic Native Hawaiian/Other Pacific Islander individuals. Conclusion: Disparities in Covid-19 vaccine administration on race and ethnicity lines occurred during the initial series rollout in the US. However, these disparities were not merely replicated but widened by the early booster rollout.


Anthropology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell Thornton ◽  
Jamie Geronimo Vela

Hundreds of thousands—some say 1 million—Native American skeletal remains are held in institutions around the world. Probably half are in the United States. How many tribal objects are held is unknown, but the number is in the many millions. Hundreds of remains and thousands of objects are uncovered every year in the United States, mostly by construction projects. That Native American tribes and individuals have been disenfranchised from ancestral remains and important tribal objects is a terrible facet of American history; it is also of great discomfort to Native Americans. The situation is exacerbated as some remains and objects are from atrocities in American Indian history, e.g., the 1890 Wounded Knee and 1864 Sand Creek Massacres. Many objects are symbolic and sacred, necessary in Native American ceremonies and rituals. On occasion, repatriation requests were granted by museums; but Native Americans were virtually at their mercy. Native Americans lobbied for the eventual passage of two federal laws preventing further disenfranchisement from remains and objects, and requiring their repatriation. In 1990, the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) was passed. It provided legal protection to Native American and Native Hawaiian graves. It also mandated repatriations to lineal descendants or federally recognized tribes of culturally affiliated human remains, funerary objects (objects associated with burials), objects of cultural patrimony, and sacred objects held in institutions receiving federal funding. A year earlier, the National Museum of the American Indian (NMAI) Act of 1989 had passed. It called for only the return of human remains and funerary objects held at the Smithsonian. (Given this act, the Smithsonian was excluded from NAGPRA; the NMAI Act was amended in 1996 to include objects of cultural patrimony and sacred objects.) State laws at this time were limited in scope or not applicable, and mostly referred to burials. The most well-known are Iowa’s Burial Protection Act of 1976, and Nebraska’s Unmarked Human Burial Site and Skeletal Remains Protection Act of 1989. Subsequent to NAGPRA, repatriation state laws were enacted, e.g., California developed a law along the lines of NAGPRA. Most relevant institutions now have created repatriation policies in line with, and sometimes going beyond, NAGPRA and state laws. While causation is hard to ascertain, these developments—especially NAGPRA—have influenced international repatriation, either within or between countries. Too, international events have influenced the United States, and the United States has repatriated to other countries, and they to the United States.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (S1) ◽  
pp. 60-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerilyn Church ◽  
Chinyere O. Ekechi ◽  
Aila Hoss ◽  
Anika Jade Larson

The environment, particularly, land and water, play a powerful role in sustaining and supporting American Indian and Alaska Native communities in the United States. Not only is water essential to life and considered — by some Tribes — a sacred food in and of itself, but environmental water resources are necessary to maintain habitat for hunting and fishing. Many American Indian and Alaska Native communities incorporate locally caught traditional subsistence foods into their diets, and the loss of access to subsistence foods represents a risk factor for food security and nutrition status in indigenous populations. Negative health outcomes, including obesity, diabetes and cancer, have accompanied declines in traditional food use in indigenous communities throughout the United States.


Onoma ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 38 (0) ◽  
pp. 15-37
Author(s):  
William BRIGHT

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 37-37
Author(s):  
Sadie Giles

Abstract Racial health disparities in old age are well established, and new conceptualizations and methodologies continue to advance our understanding of health inequality across the life course. One group that is overlooked in many of these analyses, however, is the aging American Indian/Native Alaskan (AI/NA) population. While scholars have attended to the unique health inequities faced by the AI/NA population as a whole due to its discordant political history with the US government, little attention has been paid to unique patterns of disparity that might exist in old age. I propose to draw critical gerontology into the conversation in order to establish a framework through which we can uncover barriers to health, both from the political context of the AI/NA people as well as the political history of old age policy in the United States. Health disparities in old age are often described through a cumulative (dis)advantage framework that offers the benefit of appreciating that different groups enter old age with different resources and health statuses as a result of cumulative inequalities across the life course. Adding a framework of age relations, appreciating age as a system of inequality where people also gain or lose access to resources and status upon entering old age offers a path for understanding the intersection of race and old age. This paper will show how policy history for this group in particular as well as old age policy in the United States all create a unique and unequal circumstance for the aging AI/NA population.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Raymond Foxworth ◽  
Laura E. Evans ◽  
Gabriel R. Sanchez ◽  
Cheryl Ellenwood ◽  
Carmela M. Roybal

We draw on new and original data to examine both partisan and systemic inequities that have fueled the spread of COVID-19 in Native America. We show how continued political marginalization of Native Americans has compounded longstanding inequalities and endangered the lives of Native peoples. Native nations have experienced disproportionate effects from prior health epidemics and pandemics, and in 2020, Native communities have seen greater rates of infection, hospitalization, and death from COVID-19. We find that Native nations have more COVID-19 cases if they are located in states with a higher ratio of Trump supporters and reside in states with Republican governors. Where there is longstanding marginalization, measured by lack of clean water on tribal lands and health information in Native languages, we find more COVID-19 cases. Federal law enables non-members to flout tribal health regulations while on tribal lands, and correspondingly, we find that COVID-19 cases rise when non-members travel onto tribal lands. Our findings engage the literatures on Native American politics, health policy within U.S. federalism, and structural health inequalities, and should be of interest to both scholars and practitioners interested in understanding COVID-19 outcomes across Tribes in the United States.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document