scholarly journals #MeToo and the Politics of Collective Healing: Emotional Connection as Contestation

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allison Page ◽  
Jacquelyn Arcy

Abstract Participants in the #MeToo movement on Twitter expressed emotions like rage, pain, and solidarity in their personal accounts of sexual violence. This article explores the digital circulation of these affects and considers how the outpouring of tweets about sexual harassment and abuse contribute to a feminist politics centered on collective healing. The particular emotions expressed in the #MeToo Twitter archive subvert the logics of quantification and visibility that undergird popular feminism and the attention economy, and produce an affective excess that works toward movement founder Tarana Burke's original project of “mass healing.” At a moment wherein popular feminism emphasizes individual empowerment and consumption, and carceral feminism relies on criminalization and incarceration, the #MeToo movement's focus on shared emotions represents the potential for a feminist politics rooted in collective support and restorative justice.

JURNAL BELO ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-59
Author(s):  
Hadibah Zachra Wadjo ◽  
Judy Marria Saimima

Perlindungan hukum sangatlah penting dan berpengaruh terhadap keadilan bagi seluruh warga Negara Indonesia. Menurut pandangan konsep restorative justice penanganan kejahatan yang terjadi bukan hanya menjadi tanggung jawab negara akan tetapi juga merupakan tanggung jawab masyarakat. Oleh karena itu konsep restorative justice dibangun berdasarkan pengertian bahwa kejahatan yang telah menimbulkan kerugian harus dipulihkan kembali baik kerugian yang diderita oleh korban maupun kerugian yang ditanggung oleh masyarakat. Beragam persoalan sensitif menimpa kehidupan kaum perempuan, antaranya kejahatan kekerasan seksual (sexual violence) dan pelecehan seksual (sexual harassment). Perempuan sangat rentan menjadi korban kejahatan (victim of crime) di bidang kesusilaan. Perlindungan adalah betuk dari salah satu tindakan untuk mencegah terjadinya penindasan terhadap perempuan secara berkepanjangan. Upaya lembaga perlindungan hukum atau lembaga advokasi dalam menciptakan penegakan hukum yang baik sangat membutuhkan faktor- faktor penunjang agar terciptanya perlindungan hukum tersebut dengan baik dan efektif.


Author(s):  
Alison Phipps

This chapter explores the issue of sexual violence against students in relation to the concept of ‘lad culture’. Adopting a more nuanced approach to the understanding of campus sexual violence and the masculine cultures that frame it, the chapter places such issues within the institutional cultures of neoliberal competitively driven universities. The chapter discusses the results of a 2013 study conducted by the National Union of Students (NUS) in the UK showing that many of the behaviours associated with lad culture, including sport, heavy alcohol consumption, casual sex and sexist/discriminatory ‘banter’, constituted sexual harassment. It theorises sexual violence and laddish masculinities in order to better understand them and develop effective interventions. It also considers how power and privilege, as well as patriarchy, neoliberalism and carceral feminism, intersect in student lad culture.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-80
Author(s):  
Sarah Banet-Weiser

When the hashtag #metoo began to circulate in digital and social media, it challenged a familiar interpretation of those who are raped or sexually harassed as victims, positioning women as embodied agents. Yet, almost exactly a year after the #metoo movement shot to visible prominence, a different, though eerily similar, story began to circulate on the same multi-media platforms as #metoo: a story about white male victimhood. Powerful men in positions of privilege (almost always white) began to take up the mantle of victimhood as their own, often claiming to be victims of false accusations of sexual harassment and assault by women. Through the analysis of five public statements by highly visible, powerful men who have been accused of sexual violence, I argue that the discourse of victimhood is appropriated not by those who have historically suffered but by those in positions of patriarchal power. Almost all of the statements contain some sentiment about how the accusation (occasionally acknowledging the actual violence) ‘ruined their life’, and all of the statements analyzed here center the author, the accused white man, as the key subject in peril and the authors position themselves as truth-tellers about the incidents. These statements underscore certain shifts in the public perception of sexual violence; the very success of the #metoo movement in shifting the narrative has meant that men have had to defend themselves more explicitly in public. In order to wrestle back a hegemonic gender stability, these men take on the mantle of victimhood themselves.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-364
Author(s):  
Mattia Pinto

Abstract In the last three decades, wartime sexual violence has become one of the main concerns for feminists engaged with international law. This essay reviews Karen Engle’s monograph on the causes and implications of today’s common-sense narrative about sexual violence in conflict. It shows how Engle’s powerful critique of ‘carceral feminism’ may represent a starting point for a new discussion of sex and war in international law.


2021 ◽  
pp. 155708512110626
Author(s):  
Shauntey James ◽  
Melanie D. Hetzel-Riggin

Institutions of Higher Education (IHEs) have used restorative justice (RJ) to address sexual misconduct on college campuses under Title IX. In 2020, Title IX guidance was codified. The application of RJ under the new policy may create procedural and distributive justice issues. This article (1) defines the new policy; (2) explores suitability of RJ to sexual misconduct and specifically yellow zone behavior under the new policy; (3) discusses justice for the various stakeholders under the guise of advantages and disadvantages; and (4) makes recommendations to strengthen the choice of either implementing or not implementing restorative justice.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vickie Langohr

The most famous demand raised by protesters in the “Arab Spring” was “al-shaʿb/yurīd/isqāṭ al-niẓām” (the people/want /the fall of the regime). Three years later, little progress has been made—outside of Tunisia—in permanently replacing authoritarian regimes with the formal institutions of democracy. However, new forms of activism have emerged that increase citizens’ ability to directly combat pervasive social problems and to successfully pressure official institutions to alter policies. The evolution of activism against public sexual violence in post-Mubarak Egypt is a concrete example. Sexual harassment of women on the streets and in public transportation, widespread before the 25 January uprising, has likely since increased.1 Many women have been subjected to vicious sexual assault at political protests over the last three years. But activism against these threats has also expanded in ways unimaginable during the Mubarak era. Groups of male and female activists in their twenties and early thirties exhort bystanders on the streets to intervene when they witness harassment, and intervene themselves. Satellite TV programs have extensively covered public sexual violence, directly challenging officials for their failure to combat it while featuring the work of antiharassment and antiassault groups in a positive light. These new practices facilitated two concrete changes in the summer of 2014: amendments to the penal code on sexual harassment, and Cairo University's adoption of an antiharassment policy which was developed by feminist activists.


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