scholarly journals Women's Rights Movements during Political Transitions: Activism against Public Sexual Violence in Egypt

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vickie Langohr

The most famous demand raised by protesters in the “Arab Spring” was “al-shaʿb/yurīd/isqāṭ al-niẓām” (the people/want /the fall of the regime). Three years later, little progress has been made—outside of Tunisia—in permanently replacing authoritarian regimes with the formal institutions of democracy. However, new forms of activism have emerged that increase citizens’ ability to directly combat pervasive social problems and to successfully pressure official institutions to alter policies. The evolution of activism against public sexual violence in post-Mubarak Egypt is a concrete example. Sexual harassment of women on the streets and in public transportation, widespread before the 25 January uprising, has likely since increased.1 Many women have been subjected to vicious sexual assault at political protests over the last three years. But activism against these threats has also expanded in ways unimaginable during the Mubarak era. Groups of male and female activists in their twenties and early thirties exhort bystanders on the streets to intervene when they witness harassment, and intervene themselves. Satellite TV programs have extensively covered public sexual violence, directly challenging officials for their failure to combat it while featuring the work of antiharassment and antiassault groups in a positive light. These new practices facilitated two concrete changes in the summer of 2014: amendments to the penal code on sexual harassment, and Cairo University's adoption of an antiharassment policy which was developed by feminist activists.

ILUMINURAS ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (33) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anelise Dos Santos Gutterres

 O mês de junho de 2013 ficou conhecido pela quantidade de protestos e manifestações políticas, que levaram milhões de pessoas às ruas. No interior desse atos as reivindicações se desdobraram das iniciais – que questionavam as remoções para as obras da Copa e eram contra o aumento da passagem - e se tornaram igualmente numerosas. A repressão policial às manifestações foi violenta e o fim da polícia militar se tornou uma reivindicação no processo de construção dos atos nas ruas. Esse relato descreve os protestos e manifestações no Brasil a partir de minha experiência enquanto manifestante nas ruas do Rio de Janeiro. O que descreverei aqui está entre as duas dimensões, por vezes antagônicas, que a etnografia acaba nos impondo: a neutralidade e o "afetamento". Palavras-chave: Protestos. Rio de Janeiro. Favela. Repressão policial. Etnografia“It's not easy, I ask for public mobility and government sends Skull[1] against me” – a close up narrative of the political protests between 2013 june and july in Rio de Janeiro. Abstract June 2013 became famous for the amount of protests and political events that led millions of people to the streets. Within this demonstrations, the initial claims unfolded, questioning removal for the works made in the cities for the World Cup and standing against the fare increase for public transportation, and became numerous. The repression exerted by the police against demonstrations and the dissolution of Military Police became one of the claims demanded on the streets. This report is a description of what happened between the two dimensions, sometimes antagonistic, that ethnography imposes: neutrality and “being affected”.   Key-words: Protests. Rio de Janeiro. Slum. Repression police. Ethnography. [1] Skull is the nickname for the Bushwacker the Special Operations Corps of Rio de Janeiro's Police, and this verse was one of the many slogans sang by the people)


2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 393-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Johansson-Nogués

During the anti-regime uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, women from all walks of life were as ready as men to take to the streets to protest against the ineptitude and transgressions of their countries’ governments. Their courage was particularly noteworthy given that they suffered not only the violence of the regimes’ attempts to suppress protests by force, as did their male counterparts, but also a systematic targeting by security forces who attempted to break the women’s spirits through attacks on their honour and bodily integrity. The female presence and agency in the Arab Spring encouraged activists in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya to expect an equitable role for women in the political transition processes that followed the fall of the authoritarian regimes in those countries. However, the female input in those political transitions has been scant. Moreover, in all three countries, established women’s rights are increasingly under attack and violence against women is on the rise. This article applies a gendered perspective to explore the upheavals of the Arab Spring and the political transitions in the three countries, and inquires into the insecurities that women have suffered since early 2011.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-80
Author(s):  
Sarah Banet-Weiser

When the hashtag #metoo began to circulate in digital and social media, it challenged a familiar interpretation of those who are raped or sexually harassed as victims, positioning women as embodied agents. Yet, almost exactly a year after the #metoo movement shot to visible prominence, a different, though eerily similar, story began to circulate on the same multi-media platforms as #metoo: a story about white male victimhood. Powerful men in positions of privilege (almost always white) began to take up the mantle of victimhood as their own, often claiming to be victims of false accusations of sexual harassment and assault by women. Through the analysis of five public statements by highly visible, powerful men who have been accused of sexual violence, I argue that the discourse of victimhood is appropriated not by those who have historically suffered but by those in positions of patriarchal power. Almost all of the statements contain some sentiment about how the accusation (occasionally acknowledging the actual violence) ‘ruined their life’, and all of the statements analyzed here center the author, the accused white man, as the key subject in peril and the authors position themselves as truth-tellers about the incidents. These statements underscore certain shifts in the public perception of sexual violence; the very success of the #metoo movement in shifting the narrative has meant that men have had to defend themselves more explicitly in public. In order to wrestle back a hegemonic gender stability, these men take on the mantle of victimhood themselves.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (6) ◽  
pp. 66-75
Author(s):  
Jann Everard ◽  

Where does racism come from? How do experiences with other cultures change our views of race? In this work of philosophical short fiction, Holly, a young teenage girl, heads into Chinatown against her mother’s wishes to visit Jon, a teenage boy, she is interested in dating. He is working at his parents’ Chinese restaurant. She has taken public transportation to Chinatown with her mother knowing, and against her mother’s wishes. Her mother has a strong bias against the area and the people. Holly gets off the bus at the wrong place and gets lost, but friendly locals direct her the right way. She is amazed by the differences in food and culture she sees all around her and ends up buying a durian. Eventually, she finds the restaurant (still carrying the durian), and finds Jon working. Jon is surprised and slightly embarrassed to see Holly and explains to her she will not like taste of the durian. Holly is warmly welcomed by one of Jon’s relatives in the restaurant who agrees to take her in the back and show her out to prepare her exotic fruit.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Mohammad Dzulkifli

<p><strong>This article aims to describe the Arab Spring phenomenon through critical discourse analysis of the Qatar Debate. This research is a qualitative descriptive study with the note-taking method. The results of the study show that the structure of the discourse contained in the Qatar debate consists of several structures. First, the macrostructure that contains thematic elements or general themes, namely about ‘Arab Spring has failed’. Second, is the superstructure which contains schematic elements referring to the system and the rules of the game in the turn of speech. Third, the microstructure contains elements of semantics, syntax, stylistics, rhetoric, and metaphors. The semantic element of the Qatar debate shows the uses of language that aims to rever to connotative meanings. Syntactically, the Qatari debaters are dominant using active sentence patterns and noun sentences (jumlah ismiyah). From the stylistic aspect, both teams have their own style of language, as the pro team uses a lot of declarative styles while the counter team tends to use an interrogative style. The rhetorical and metaphorical elements are used a few times but not in large portions. This study also shows the different views of the two teams from two countries that represent the social views of the people in their respective countries towards the Arab Spring phenomenon.</strong></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong> – <em>Arab Spring, Critical Discourse Analyst, Qatar Debate</em></p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abeer Harb Al-Qawasmi ◽  
Fawwaz Al-Abed Al-Haq

<p>This study aims at the study of newborn names in Jordan of a sociolinguistic perspective. This study tries to detect the difference in naming newborns in Jordan over the decades - from the seventies to 2015 due to the result of some factors that may have affected the Jordanian society, whether historical, religious and/or social. The data necessary to complete the study was obtained from the Civil Status Department and the Department of Statistics. The data obtained consisted of names of both sexes during the time period from the seventies until the early year of 2015, a random sample of personal names within the same family were also provided. The data was analyzed quantitatively. The study revealed that there is a clear change in the choice of newborn names-male and female-in Jordan, whether a change in sounds or in morphemes. In specific, names during the seventies were strongly linked to the culture and the values, religious or social, in which the people believed in. During the eighties and nineties, names were associated with certain social values, however, some names were shown to be affected by urbanization or modernization. And with the beginning of 2000 up to 2015, peoples directions towards naming newborns changed due to the advent of globalization, associating with development and urbanization, and moreover, the influence of different cultures on the community.</p>


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