scholarly journals Rule-Making, Rule-Taking or Rule-Rejecting under the Belt and Road Initiative: A Central Asian Perspective

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 250-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roza Nurgozhayeva

Abstract Since the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was announced in 2013, China’s expanding economic, geopolitical, and business presence demonstrates its eagerness to play a more significant role in the systems of international governance and law. The BRI’s scale and influence have captured immense attention among politicians, policymakers, experts, and academics. They offer numerous interpretations of the BRI’s global and regional impact. If China claims to be a stakeholder in the international system, what are the implications for the legal systems of the BRI countries and their governance systems? To what extent does the BRI lead to the expansion of China’s institutions and legal norms? How can the BRI countries ensure that their interests in BRI projects are adequately protected? This article analyses the Central Asian perspective on the BRI. Central Asia and Kazakhstan, in particular, have strategic relevance to the BRI. Remarkably, the BRI was launched during the visit of President Xi Jinping to Kazakhstan, which means that Kazakhstan plays a critical transit role as China’s pivot to Europe. Although the BRI is an ambitious global strategy, it has provoked much criticism, especially in liberal countries. Despite China’s efforts to promote the BRI as a win–win endeavour, China’s increased economic and political influence has already led to heightened scrutiny of its role in shaping ideology, economic development, and the legal and institutional landscapes. While many academic publications address different perspectives of the BRI, the context behind BRI projects requires further attention. This article contributes to the literature by studying BRI projects in Kazakhstan and their legal framework and governance.

Author(s):  
Benjamin Tze Ern Ho

This chapter looks at the Belt and Road Initiative as a case study of China’s claim to exceptionalism in global affairs. I argue that, as a form of economic statecraft, the BRI is conceived with the primary goal of generating Chinese political influence abroad. Through a study of the existing scholarship, I argue that three key themes frame Chinese IR scholars’ discussion of the BRI: (I) the rules of the international system; (II) the competition for regional influence; and (III) China’s own domestic affairs and responsibility to its own people. Taken together, these themes provide important clues about how the BRI is conceptualized to promote a sense of Chinese exceptionalism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110388
Author(s):  
Yuan Jiang

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a central policy of the Chinese government. The initiative is directly associated with President Xi Jinping, who first put forward the BRI in Kazakhstan and Indonesia in 2013, initially as One Belt One Road. Different from repetitive literature that concludes the BRI as China's global strategy, this article makes a contribution to argue that the BRI is China's domestic and non-strategic policy. To justify this argument, this article analyses how the BRI has been embedded into aspects of Chinese domestic policy by revealing its nexuses with Chinese domestic economy, politics and ideology. To deepen the understanding of the BRI's connection with the Chinese economy, this article explores the link between the BRI and China's supply-side structural reform. Meanwhile, this research demystifies the BRI as a global strategy and the difference between joining and rejecting the BRI to prove the BRI's non-strategic essence. In the end, this article discusses the BRI's far-reaching geopolitical influence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (10) ◽  
pp. 91-102
Author(s):  
N. Rogozhina

The choice of the countries of Southeast Asia as an example for analyzing the nature of interaction between developing countries and China within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative is not accidental. The very logic of China’s stated goals of gaining dominant positions in the world economy and politics makes it inevitable that the countries of Southeast Asia located in geographic proximity to it are included in its long-term economic and political plans. The question, however, is to what extent do they meet the interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves? The solution to this question is the main subject of research in the article. There are objective prerequisites for mutually beneficial cooperation. The Belt and Road projects are viewed by China as a tool for economic expansion into the region with the prospect of taking a leading position there, using the interest of Southeast Asian countries in the inflow of foreign investment to create modern infrastructure, the lack of which narrows their opportunities for further economic growth, maintaining competitiveness and developing integration ties within ASEAN Community. Expert assessments made by international organizations confirm the positive impact of OBOR projects on the economic development of Southeast Asian countries and although today it is too early to draw any conclusions, since the initiative is only at the initial stage of its implementation in the region, nevertheless the case studies presented in the article indicate a mismatch in the positions of the parties on a number of issues related to the financing of projects, their lack of transparency. non-compliance with environmental and social requirements. The support of the initiative on the part of the Southeast Asian countries does not automatically mean their acceptance of the terms of the agreements proposed by China, which are far from always consistent with their national interests and give rise to fears in society about its expansionist intentions. Therefore, in many Southeast Asian countries, participation in OBOR projects is turning into a subject of political discourse, which reflects the presence of disagreements in society and confrontation of interests regarding the advisability of rapprochement with China, given the associated economic and political risks. The countries of Southeast Asia can be conditionally divided into two groups according to their relation to the Belt and Road initiative. The first group includes Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam and Myanmar, whose position can be described as national pragmatism. While supporting the Chinese initiative in general, they nevertheless assess the possible risks of their participation in projects and seek to reduce them. The second group is represented by Laos and Cambodia, whose leadership unconditionally supports the Chinese initiative, guided by the interests of their own survival, which largely depends on Chinese assistance. Therefore, the prospect of falling into a debt trap and increasing economic dependence on the PRC and even the threat of losing sovereignty does not deter them from participating in highly controversial projects from a commercial point of view. Based on the analysis made, the author comes to the conclusion that, given the existing alignment of political forces in Southeast Asia, China can count on promoting its initiative in the region, which, however, does not automatically lead to an increase in its political influence and to the creation of a China-centric model of regional order. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (agreement № 075-15-2020-783).


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 57-62
Author(s):  
Yiling Ding

As the “core area” of the “Silk Road Economic Belt,” the five Central Asian countries occupy an important position in the “Belt and Road” strategy. With the increase of China’s investment, the infrastructure of the five Central Asian countries has been continuously developing, economy persists to grow, and the people’s standards of living have been constantly improved. This article focuses on how the “Belt and Road” initiative has promoted the economic growth of the five Central Asian countries.


Author(s):  
Paula Tomaszewska

Chinese Belt and Road initiative (BRI) is not only an economic or political project, but also has the potential to transform the international system. The initiative‘s impact is large – from stimulating the financing of infrastructure investments in various countries around the world to the development of new global supply chains. The scientific goal of the article is to analyze the consequences of implementing the initiative. The research problem is included in the following question: does the Belt and Road Initiative contribute to increasing Chinese influence in the world and carries the risk of driving poorer countries into the ―debt trap‖? The conclusion from the article is that China should create an improved version of the BRI initiative based on a better risk assessment of the current projects. Infrastructure investments, if not carefully implemented and controlled, may lead to consequences, such as increasing the debt of some countries in the long term.


Subject Prospects for the Belt and Road Initiative in 2019-23. Significance Five years on, China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has become a multi-purpose foreign policy brand that encompasses far more than was initially envisaged. It has evolved from an initiative focused on Central Asian infrastructure to one with industrial, technological, environmental and legal components, and which extends geographically as far as the Arctic and into outer space.


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