12. Social Movement, Trade Unions, and Advocacy Networks

Author(s):  
Federico M. Rossi ◽  
Donatella della Porta

This chapter explores the relationship between social movements, trade unions, and transnational advocacy networks of resistance to non-democratic regimes in the global wave of democratization. It considers views from social movement studies within the democratization literature as well as views of democratization within the social movement literature. It also examines the diverse roles played by movements, depending on the type of democratization process and the stage in which mobilizations emerge (resistance, liberalization, transition to procedural democracy, consolidation, expansion). The chapter identifies a host of factors that produce the most favourable setting for democratization, including a non-syndical strike wave and/or a pro-democracy cycle of protest; increased political organization in urban areas, and a relatively dense resistance network; and the existence of pro-democratic elites able to integrate the demands for democracy coming from below (at least until transition is well initiated).

2018 ◽  
pp. 182-194
Author(s):  
Federico M. Rossi ◽  
Donatella della Porta

This chapter explores the relationship between social movements, trade unions, and transnational advocacy networks of resistance to non-democratic regimes in the global wave of democratization. It considers views from social movement studies within the democratization literature as well as views of democratization within the social movement literature. It also examines the diverse roles played by movements, depending on the type of democratization process and the stage in which mobilizations emerge (resistance, liberalization, transition to procedural democracy, consolidation, expansion). The chapter identifies a host of factors that produce the most favourable setting for democratization, including a non-syndical strike wave and/or a pro-democracy cycle of protest; increased political organization in urban areas, and a relatively dense resistance network; and the existence of pro-democratic elites able to integrate the demands for democracy coming from below (at least until transition is well initiated).


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayca Arkilic ◽  
Ayse Ezgi Gurcan

Abstract This article focuses on the relationship between Alevis and the Turkish and German states. It does so by examining the Turkish Alevi Opening (2009–2010) and the German Islam Conference (2006–present), two unprecedented official platforms aimed at improving Alevis’ political participation. The study asks why such state-sponsored initiatives came into existence in Turkey and Germany, and why the German Islam Conference has proven more successful from the perspective of Alevis. It argues that even though the diffusion of EU norms and pressure from transnational advocacy networks have increased awareness regarding the Alevi issue, domestic factors have been more salient in the emergence and outcome of these initiatives in both countries.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zekiye Arkilic ◽  
Ayse Ezgi Gurcan ◽  
Zekiye Arkilic

This article focuses on the relationship between Alevis and the Turkish and German states. It does so by examining the Turkish Alevi Opening (2009–2010) and the German Islam Conference (2006–present), two unprecedented official platforms aimed at improving Alevis’ political participation. The study asks why such state-sponsored initiatives came into existence in Turkey and Germany, and why the German Islam Conference has proven more successful from the perspective of Alevis. It argues that even though the diffusion of EU norms and pressure from transnational advocacy networks have increased awareness regarding the Alevi issue, domestic factors have been more salient in the emergence and outcome of these initiatives in both countries.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deanna Davy

Child sex trafficking has become one of the most highly publicised social issues of our time and, due to its global nature, transnational anti-trafficking advocacy networks are well placed and central to lead campaigns against it. Whilst there is an abundance of literature on the subjects of child sex trafficking and transnational advocacy networks we lack an understanding of the motivations of these networks that act as buffers against trafficking. Cosmopolitan globalisation theory remains a compelling framework for examining the motivations of transnational anti-child sex trafficking networks in the Greater Mekong Subregion. Applying a cosmopolitan globalisation lens, this article discusses the social justice goals of transnational advocacy networks, their centrality in combating child sex trafficking, and their ability to perform cosmopolitan ‘globalisation from below’ to counter global social problems.


2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quentin Delpech

Research on antisweatshop mobilizations and labor-organizing campaigns in the countries of the global South has shown that under the pressure of transnational advocacy networks, notably NGOs and trade unions, US brands and retailers intervene in labor conflicts in their outsourced factories, in order to escape shaming campaigns. However, little attention has been paid to the responses of local employers to the emergence of labor organizations in their factories, partly as a result of these campaigns. This article, based on a two-year fieldwork project in the Guatemalan apparel sector, shows how the local managers of this industry manage to reconcile the demands of brands with the continuation of repressive labor control in the workplace by means of “concealed repression”; namely, preventive strategies, subtle antiunion discrimination, “opportune inaction,” and deliberate illicit transactions involving state officials.


2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 97-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicola Piper

This paper explores the notion of an emerging transnational or transregional labor solidarity of foreign workers across the Southeast and East Asian region as well as Europe by investigating migration as an instrument of political transformation through the concept of transnationalism. The issue of solidarity is analyzed through the lens of non-governmental activism as represented by trade union and NGOs, two types of organizations with different strengths and weaknesses. The political organization of migrant is rendered difficult because of the nature of their jobs, organizational ‘culture'or tradition, and political space for activism. Among migrant workers, the challenge is greatest for foreign domestic workers, who have been described as particularly “unorganizable.” Reflecting the cross-border nature of labor migration, political action to address abusive and discriminatory treatment is also becoming increasingly transnational. Thus far, transnational advocacy networks have been mainly intraregional with little or no engagement by trade unions. But some linkages have begun to be formed across regions, such as between Asia and Europe, and there are signs of trade unions getting more involved. In this sense, feminized migration from below has begun to contribute to ‘democratization’ from below.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zekiye Arkilic ◽  
Ayse Ezgi Gurcan ◽  
Zekiye Arkilic

This article focuses on the relationship between Alevis and the Turkish and German states. It does so by examining the Turkish Alevi Opening (2009–2010) and the German Islam Conference (2006–present), two unprecedented official platforms aimed at improving Alevis’ political participation. The study asks why such state-sponsored initiatives came into existence in Turkey and Germany, and why the German Islam Conference has proven more successful from the perspective of Alevis. It argues that even though the diffusion of EU norms and pressure from transnational advocacy networks have increased awareness regarding the Alevi issue, domestic factors have been more salient in the emergence and outcome of these initiatives in both countries.


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