Rights of Foreign Domestic Workers — Emergence of Transnational and Transregional Solidarity?

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 97-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicola Piper

This paper explores the notion of an emerging transnational or transregional labor solidarity of foreign workers across the Southeast and East Asian region as well as Europe by investigating migration as an instrument of political transformation through the concept of transnationalism. The issue of solidarity is analyzed through the lens of non-governmental activism as represented by trade union and NGOs, two types of organizations with different strengths and weaknesses. The political organization of migrant is rendered difficult because of the nature of their jobs, organizational ‘culture'or tradition, and political space for activism. Among migrant workers, the challenge is greatest for foreign domestic workers, who have been described as particularly “unorganizable.” Reflecting the cross-border nature of labor migration, political action to address abusive and discriminatory treatment is also becoming increasingly transnational. Thus far, transnational advocacy networks have been mainly intraregional with little or no engagement by trade unions. But some linkages have begun to be formed across regions, such as between Asia and Europe, and there are signs of trade unions getting more involved. In this sense, feminized migration from below has begun to contribute to ‘democratization’ from below.

Author(s):  
Federico M. Rossi ◽  
Donatella della Porta

This chapter explores the relationship between social movements, trade unions, and transnational advocacy networks of resistance to non-democratic regimes in the global wave of democratization. It considers views from social movement studies within the democratization literature as well as views of democratization within the social movement literature. It also examines the diverse roles played by movements, depending on the type of democratization process and the stage in which mobilizations emerge (resistance, liberalization, transition to procedural democracy, consolidation, expansion). The chapter identifies a host of factors that produce the most favourable setting for democratization, including a non-syndical strike wave and/or a pro-democracy cycle of protest; increased political organization in urban areas, and a relatively dense resistance network; and the existence of pro-democratic elites able to integrate the demands for democracy coming from below (at least until transition is well initiated).


2018 ◽  
pp. 182-194
Author(s):  
Federico M. Rossi ◽  
Donatella della Porta

This chapter explores the relationship between social movements, trade unions, and transnational advocacy networks of resistance to non-democratic regimes in the global wave of democratization. It considers views from social movement studies within the democratization literature as well as views of democratization within the social movement literature. It also examines the diverse roles played by movements, depending on the type of democratization process and the stage in which mobilizations emerge (resistance, liberalization, transition to procedural democracy, consolidation, expansion). The chapter identifies a host of factors that produce the most favourable setting for democratization, including a non-syndical strike wave and/or a pro-democracy cycle of protest; increased political organization in urban areas, and a relatively dense resistance network; and the existence of pro-democratic elites able to integrate the demands for democracy coming from below (at least until transition is well initiated).


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
Andrea Schapper

This article contributes to understanding unique forms of actor constellations and their tactics in fostering institutional interaction. It explores interaction processes between the human rights and the climate regime, and more specifically, the incorporation of human rights in the 2015 Paris climate agreement. During the Paris negotiations, an inter-constituency alliance comprised of environmental movements, human rights organizations, gender activists, indigenous peoples’ representatives, trade unions, youth groups and faith-based organizations successfully lobbied for the incorporation of rights principles into the new climate instrument. I argue that this alliance can be grasped as a "super-network", a network above several individual transnational advocacy networks (TANs), that works across policy fields and uses information, symbols and stories, as well as accountability and leverage politics to foster interaction between a source institution (human rights regime) and a target institution (climate regime). By employing a package approach, which reiterates a core message of common principles individual networks have agreed on, the "super-network" changed the practices of governments in international negotiations and fostered inter-institutional interaction. Empirically, my research is mainly based on expert interviews and participatory observations at the strategic meetings of TANs at three different climate negotiations in Warsaw (2013), Paris (2015) and Bonn (2017), including follow-up skype interviews with key experts between 2013 and 2020.


2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-149
Author(s):  
Steven Gordon ◽  
Brij Maharaj

ABSTRACTIn recent years South African cities have become home to a large number of undocumented migrant workers. If trade unions do not organise undocumented migrant workers, it opens up such workers to exploitation and maltreatment by employers, thereby creating a split labour market that undermines the entire labour movement. This article focuses on the responses of the national trade union movement in the private security sector to the presence of undocumented workers at the grassroots level. Using a case study approach, we find that the pressures of labour market informalisation in the industry prompt unions to seek to maintain and advance their position from their traditional support base of citizen workers rather than attempt to include new groups. The failure to engage is reinforced by anti-immigrant attitudes which link foreigners with problems in the industry such as low wages and portrays such workers as co-conspirators rather than comrades. While justice and solidarity have always been the foundation of trade unionism in South Africa, the movement is in danger of failing this test if the current situation in terms of the exclusion of undocumented foreign workers persists.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingrid D. Lui ◽  
Nimisha Vandan ◽  
Sara E. Davies ◽  
Sophie Harman ◽  
Rosemary Morgan ◽  
...  

AbstractThe coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic poses particular challenges for migrant workers around the world. This study explores the unique experiences of foreign domestic workers (FDWs) in Hong Kong, and how COVID-19 impacted their health and economic wellbeing. Interviews with FDWs (n= 15) and key informants (n= 3) were conducted between May and August 2020. FDWs reported a dual-country experience of the pandemic, where they expressed concerns about local transmission risks as well as worries about their family members in their home country. Changes to their current work situation included how their employers treated them, as well as their employment status. FDWs also cited blind spots in the Hong Kong policy response that also affected their experience of the pandemic, including a lack of support from the Hong Kong government. Additional support is needed to mitigate the particularly negative effects of the pandemic on FDWs.


Author(s):  
Melinda Adams ◽  
Gwynn Thomas

Women’s activism has assumed an international dimension beginning in the nineteenth century. Transnational feminism has been shaped by debates over a wide range of issues: how to name and describe feminist inspired action that crosses national borders; how to create organizations, networks, and movements that acknowledge the multiple power differentials that exist among women while still allowing for concerted political action; and how to craft effective mobilization strategies in the face of highly differing forms of activism. These debates have fueled a surge in scholarly interest in the transnational activities of feminist groups, transforming the ways in which women’s studies, political science, international relations, sociology, and geography investigate the relationships between national and international levels of politics. The scholarship on transnational feminist actions has been influenced in large part by the concept of transnational advocacy networks/transnational feminist networks, which often bring together multiple kinds of actors such as social movements, international nongovernmental organizations, and more nationally or locally based actors. Another issue tackled by scholars who are politically committed to the goals of transnational feminist activism is how feminists are likely to achieve their goals and produce change through their transnational activities. These scholars can be expected to continue to develop their own research agendas on transnational feminist activism and to influence how transnational politics and globalization are studied in other fields.


2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quentin Delpech

Research on antisweatshop mobilizations and labor-organizing campaigns in the countries of the global South has shown that under the pressure of transnational advocacy networks, notably NGOs and trade unions, US brands and retailers intervene in labor conflicts in their outsourced factories, in order to escape shaming campaigns. However, little attention has been paid to the responses of local employers to the emergence of labor organizations in their factories, partly as a result of these campaigns. This article, based on a two-year fieldwork project in the Guatemalan apparel sector, shows how the local managers of this industry manage to reconcile the demands of brands with the continuation of repressive labor control in the workplace by means of “concealed repression”; namely, preventive strategies, subtle antiunion discrimination, “opportune inaction,” and deliberate illicit transactions involving state officials.


1997 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daiva K. Stasiulis ◽  
Abigail B. Bakan

While the Canadian program for migrant domestic workers offers among the best conditions internationally, it shares two features in common with worldwide policies and treatment of foreign household workers. These are: 1) the inherent asymmetry in citizenship statuses and rights of employers and their domestic employees; and 2) the expectation that employees will ‘live in’ their employers' homes. Enforcement of rights of foreign domestics is also complicated by shared, yet ambiguous jurisdiction over foreign domestics of the federal and provincial governments. These conditions render foreign domestic workers vulnerable to all forms of abuse. They have not been eliminated despite impressive organizing and advocacy among these migrant workers and their allies. The challenges of finding adequate protection against abuse by domestic workers in Canada and elsewhere are explored by examining the policies of labor sending and labor receiving countries, and international conventions. A significant development in domestic workers organizations is the linking of campaigns for migrant worker rights to global efforts to address the causes of unemployment and migration.


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