scholarly journals The institutionalization of the Indo-Pacific: problems and prospects

2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kai He ◽  
Huiyun Feng

Abstract Although the term ‘Indo-Pacific’ has become popular in the foreign policy discourse of some countries, we have yet to see any significant institution-building in the Indo-Pacific region. Borrowing insights from functional institutionalism and political leadership studies of international regimes, we introduce a ‘leadership–institution’ model to explore the problems and prospects of institutionalizing the Indo-Pacific. Through a comparative case study of the institutionalization of the Asia–Pacific vs the Indo-Pacific, we argue that two crucial factors contributed to the slow institutionalization of the Indo-Pacific as a regional system in world politics: the lack of ideational leadership from an epistemic community and the weak executive leadership from a powerful state. While ideational leaders can help states identify and expand common interests in cooperation, executive leadership will facilitate states to overcome operational obstacles in cooperation, such as the ‘collective action’ problem and the ‘relative gains’ concern. The future of institution-building in the Indo-Pacific will depend on whether and how these two leadership roles are played by scholars and states in the region. In the conclusion, we discuss the challenges of institutionalizing the Indo-Pacific and highlight China as a wild card in the future of Indo-Pacific regionalism.

Author(s):  
A. V. Torkunov

The article analyses the new Eastern foreign policy of Russia, which has been developing since 2011, and the realization of various projects within this policy. The author posits that world is undergoing profound and dynamic changes, which boil down to two interconnected processes: 1) economic power shift towards Asia-Pacific region, which will define in the near future the shape of the world system; 2) shift of the main political, economic and military contradictions in world politics to this region. These core changes in world politics are also effected by trends in development of Russia and its near abroad. For more than a quarter of the century Russia has been pursuing a regional leadership in building among post-soviet states a mutual space for common interests open for other members of international community. This policy became known as "new Russian Eastern policy" or a policy of Eurasian integration. Its main goal is to establish Eurasian economic union by 2015 which will open boarders of the member states for unrestricted movement of goods, services, capital and workers within the emerging regional market with the total volume of 170-180 million people. Russian leaders look forward to discussing with their European partners prospects for merging Eurasian and European unions into a single economic space stretching from Lisbon to Vladivostok. Conceptually the strategy of Eurasian integration stems from a belief in unity of economic, cultural, civilizational interests of the Eurasian member states with state interests in Asia and Asia-Pacific. Realization of the new Eastern policy will be accompanied by the long awaited development of the Russian Eastern regions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
D. A. Kuznetsov

Transregionalization has already become a powerful trend in world politics. States and regional associations employ transregional initiatives to realize their own and collective interests. This new level of international interaction embraces a wide range of actors and fosters interconnectedness based on geographical proximity but shared functional preferences. Given the opposition between isolationism and disintegration, there is a problem of the relation between transregionalization and globalization. If the processes are unidirectional, then transregionalization is a stage of globalization. If they contradict each other, transregionalization facilitates the creation of new dividing lines.Considering several cases of megaprojects, especially in the Asia-Pacific, the article substantiates the typology of transregionalization, emphasizing its cooperative (inclusive and aimed at global integration) and competitive form (mostly exclusive and impossible to converge with other projects). The author stresses that strengthening functional ties makes transregionalization an adaptive version of globalization driven by common interests and shared views of future global development paths. Intensification of transregional relations is likely to stimulate globalization and integration practices and the participation of state and nonstate actors in global governance.In today’s world politics, transregionalization exists mainly in the form of projects and initiatives. This signifies both difficulties in reaching consensus on further cooperation and conservative states’ policy towards participating in such large-scale associations. However, the very emergence of transregional associations with varying degrees of convergence and institutionalization, promoting specific institutional and economic development and cooperation patterns, strengthens multipolarity of the international system.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 879-880
Author(s):  
David Goldfischer

As Michael O'Hanlon concludes in his excellent contribution to Rockets' Red Glare: “We should…get used to the debate over ballistic missile defenses. It has been around a long time, and no final resolution is imminent” (p. 132). In one sense, a review of these three recent books makes clear that many analysts had grown a bit too used to positioning themselves in terms of the 1972 ABM Treaty. Preoccupied with arguments over whether the treaty should be preserved, modified, or rewritten in light of a changing strategic and technological context, no one seemed to have anticipated that President George W. Bush would simply withdraw from it, invoking Article XV's provision that either party could withdraw if “extraordinary events related to the subject matter of this Treaty have jeopardized its supreme interests.” Even many strategic defense supporters who deemed the treaty obsolete (as Robert Joseph persuasively maintains in his contribution to Rockets' Red Glare) generally believed that it should only—and would only—be scrapped if negotiations over U.S.-proposed changes broke down. (“The Bush Administration,” surmises O'Hanlon, “will surely try very hard to amend it before going to such an extreme”) (p. 112). In the event, the president's team disavowed even the word “negotiation,” saying they were willing only to “consult” the Russians regarding the treaty's impending demise.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Jessica Chen Weiss ◽  
Jeremy L. Wallace

Abstract With the future of liberal internationalism in question, how will China's growing power and influence reshape world politics? We argue that views of the Liberal International Order (LIO) as integrative and resilient have been too optimistic for two reasons. First, China's ability to profit from within the system has shaken the domestic consensus in the United States on preserving the existing LIO. Second, features of Chinese Communist Party rule chafe against many of the fundamental principles of the LIO, but could coexist with a return to Westphalian principles and markets that are embedded in domestic systems of control. How, then, do authoritarian states like China pick and choose how to engage with key institutions and norms within the LIO? We propose a framework that highlights two domestic variables—centrality and heterogeneity—and their implications for China's international behavior. We illustrate the framework with examples from China's approach to climate change, trade and exchange rates, Internet governance, territorial sovereignty, arms control, and humanitarian intervention. Finally, we conclude by considering what alternative versions of international order might emerge as China's influence grows.


1988 ◽  
Vol 66 (5) ◽  
pp. 1114
Author(s):  
John C. Campbell ◽  
Seyom Brown
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Babek R. Asadov ◽  
Vladimir A. Gavrilenko ◽  
Stanislav B. Nemchenko

The object of study is the BRICS activities as a special format of multilateral interaction between states. We consider the theory of above-mentioned interaction and cooperation of countries, which are expressed in the implementation of a joint policy on a number of issues. The evolution of BRICS and its unification in the international legal space contributes to ob-servance of common interests and views of BRICS participants on the prob-lems of modern international relations, reflects the objective trends of world development and the formation of a multipolar system of international rela-tions, ensures the interests of individual major state actors in broad interna-tional integration. The relevance of the issues under study lies in the fact that individual features of the international legal status of BRICS are investigated, which make it possible to effectively influence the challenges of modern world. The legal status of BRICS is fundamentally different from traditional legal approaches to international organizations and acting as a special subject of world politics, creating the most trusting conditions for interaction, BRICS focuses on other principles of world order within the framework of a new model of global relations.


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