EngRec

ITNOW ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 33-33
Author(s):  
Olivia Wolfheart
Keyword(s):  
Strategic Partner ◽  
Early Engineering ◽  
Successful Event

Abstract This year, BCS was a strategic partner for EngRec: the virtual fair for early engineering careers. Olivia Wolfheart MBCS reports on the successful event.

Zmiana modelu zarządzania i nadzoru nad jakością kształcenia w szkolnictwie wyższym. Perspektywa doświadczeń Republiki Federalnej Niemiec

2020 ◽  
pp. 137-149
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Szewior
Keyword(s):  
Quality Of Education ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
University Management ◽  
Strategic Partner ◽  
Higher Education Reforms ◽  
The University ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Desk Research

The author focuses on the manner and effects of German higher education reforms that have changed the model of university management. The point of reference is the quality of education and its role, how universities ensure it, and how it is verified through evaluation and accreditation. These elements divide the article into two parts: a part about quality and a part about evaluation and accreditation. The analysis includes the impact of global processes and Europeanization. The research approach is characteristic for public policies, sciences of management and quality. The theories used in this article: the theory of systems and neo-institutionalism, as well as perspectives: the university as an active strategic partner, entrepreneurial university, the third role of universities. The publication is based on desk research and on the analysis of processes.

Austrian Veto against European Union Membership Negotiations with Turkey

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-122
Author(s):  
Ewa Kaczan-Winiarska
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
European Commission ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Strategic Partner ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
European Standards ◽  
The Eu

The Austrian government is extremely sceptical about the accession negotiations which are conducted by the European Commission on behalf of the European Union with Turkey and calls for the negotiation process to end. Serious reservations of Vienna have been raised by the current political situation in Turkey under the rule of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, as well as by the standards of democracy in Turkey, which differ greatly from European standards. Serious deficiencies in rule of law, freedom of speech and independence of the judiciary, confirmed in the latest European Commission report on Turkey, do not justify, from Vienna’s point of view, the continuation of talks with Ankara on EU membership. In fact, Austria’s scepticism about the European perspective for Turkey has a longer tradition. This was marked previously in 2005 when the accession negotiations began. Until now, Austria’s position has not had enough clout within the European arena. Pragmatic cooperation with Turkey as a strategic partner of the EU, both in the context of the migration crisis and security policy, proved to be a key factor. The question is whether Austria, which took over the EU presidency from 1.7.2018, will be able to more strongly accentuate its reservations about Turkey and even build an alliance of Member States strong enough to block Turkey’s accession process.

Sino-Japan Aid War and India’s Role: Possibilities for ‘Win-Win-Win’

China Report ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 289-308
Author(s):  
Takeshi Daimon-Sato
Keyword(s):  
High Speed ◽  
Good Reason ◽  
Fragile States ◽  
High Speed Rail ◽  
Strategic Partner ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
The Past ◽  
Western Asia ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
Common Interests

For the past decade, China and Japan have been competing against each other over aid market with its implicit intention to pursue their economic interests, which turned into a rivalry between two diplomatic concepts: Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) versus Japanese Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) Strategy. The severe competition over high-speed rail (HSR) by two countries, joined by French and German competitors, has been intensified for the benefit of China, taking all of its catchup benefits with its dubious sense of rule of law. This article asks if the two initiatives can coexist with the entry of India into the game and form an equilibrium of ‘grand coalition’, benefiting all its players as ‘win-win-win’ game, which turns out to be feasible and unstable. Nevertheless, Japan still seems to have a good reason to keep India as a strategic partner of FOIP as well as a ‘gateway’ for Central and Western Asia with fragile states such as Afghanistan and Pakistan, and official development assistance (ODA) could play a significant catalyst role as ‘human security’ promoted by Professor Amartya Sen and ex-UNHCR Ms. Sadako Ogata. The COVID-19 pandemic together with the exit of the isolationist US administration may provide the world with glimmering sense of hope for the year 2021 and beyond, if and only if one becomes more aware of the complementarities of comparative advantage of China, India and Japan to pursue common interests.

Respon ASEAN Terhadap Mundurnya India Dari Kerja Sama Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)

2020 ◽  
pp. 183-202
Author(s):  
Raden Maisa Yudono ◽  
Wiwiek Rukmi Dwi Astuti ◽  
M. Chairil Akbar Setiawan
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Advantage ◽  
Economic Cooperation ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Geographic Proximity ◽  
Strategic Partner ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Economic Partnership ◽  
Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership ◽  
Static Point

Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) is a cooperation framework formulated by ASEAN and 6 strategic partner countries and is the first proposal in ASEAN history to discuss comprehensive economic cooperation. RCEP is ASEAN's effort to strengthen its position as regional aktor in the Southeast Asian. RCEP negotiations underwent changes during India's decision to withdraw from the RCEP negotiations, which prompted ASEAN to respond to these developments. This study fokuses on response taken by ASEAN to India's decision to withdraw from the RCEP negotiations. The concept used is soft regionalism which emphasizes geographic proximity, historical relations and the comparative advantage of the region. Soft regionalism is driven by not only by economic and business interests, but also market interests that become the energy of soft regionalism in Asia. This concept is functioning well because it conforms to the pragmatic Asian political conditions. The findings of this study is that ASEAN cannot be separated from the concept of soft regionalism in which it has been running, and still sees all changes through static point of view. ASEAN needs to make new breakthroughs in realizing comprehensive cooperation in the region.

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