Problem-Solving Courts

Author(s):  
David DeMatteo ◽  
Kirk Heilbrun ◽  
Alice Thornewill ◽  
Shelby Arnold

This chapter summarizes problem-solving court principles and concepts, provides an overview of the limited reach of problem-solving courts, describes alternatives to problem-solving courts (e.g., diversion, smart sentencing, probation/parole), discusses strategies for incorporating a problem-solving approach in other aspects of the justice system, and examines current innovations for expanding problem-solving justice. This chapter discusses a “big picture” approach that includes a discussion of how reformation of certain aspects of the criminal justice system could effectively address the behavioral health needs of offenders and reduce recidivism. This chapter also discusses future directions within problem-solving justice in terms of research, practice, and policy.

Author(s):  
David DeMatteo ◽  
Kirk Heilbrun ◽  
Shelby Arnold ◽  
Alice Thornewill

Individuals with behavioral health disorders are significantly overrepresented in the criminal justice system. The incarceration of offenders with substance use disorders and mental illness has contributed to dramatic growth in the incarcerated population in the United States. Problem-solving courts provide judicially supervised treatment for behavioral health needs commonly found among offenders, including substance abuse and mental health, and they treat a variety of offender populations. By addressing the problems that underlie criminal behavior, problem-solving courts seek to decrease the “revolving door” that results when offender needs are not addressed. Problem-solving courts use a team approach among the judge, defense attorney, prosecutor, and treatment providers, which is a paradigm shift in how the justice system treats offenders with special needs. Offenders in problem-solving courts are held accountable for their behavior while being provided with judicially supervised treatment designed to reduce the risk of reoffending. Despite the proliferation of problem-solving courts, there are unanswered questions about how they function, how effective they are, and the most promising ways to implement problem-solving justice. Problem-Solving Courts and the Criminal Justice System is the first book to focus broadly on problem-solving courts. The changing landscape of the criminal justice system, recent development of problem-solving courts, and ongoing shift toward offender rehabilitation underscore the need for this book. This book provides those in the fields of mental health, criminal justice, law, and related fields with a comprehensive foundation of information related to the role of problem-solving courts in reforming the criminal justice system. This book also provides researchers, academics, administrators, and policy-makers with an overview of the existing research on problem-solving courts, including the challenges faced by researchers when examining these courts.


Author(s):  
Richard Boldt ◽  
James L. Nolan

Several thousand drug courts operate in jurisdictions throughout the United States. Similar courts have been established in Canada, Australia, the United Kingdom, and elsewhere. The first drug court appeared in Dade County, Florida, in 1989. This initial effort and other first-generation drug courts helped to establish a model for subsequent problem-solving courts focused on substance use disorders, mental illness, domestic violence, and other circumstances that frequently co-occur with criminal justice system involvement. A range of problem-solving courts—including mental health courts, DUI (driving under the influence) courts, veterans courts, prostitution courts, re-entry courts, and gambling courts—have been developed both in the United States and internationally based on the drug court model. The design of these specialty courts emphasizes collaboration rather than an adversarial due-process-based approach to decision-making, therapeutic interventions instead of the legal resolution of disputed cases, and informal, individualized engagement by judges and other court actors. Key features of the drug court model include the placement of defendants in treatment programs, the close judicial monitoring of defendants though periodic status hearings, and the use of criminal penalties as leverage to retain defendants in treatment. Some drug courts engage criminal defendants prior to the adjudication of their charges, but increasingly these courts operate post-plea with the imposition of program requirements as conditions of probation or a suspended sentence. Drug courts have been a politically popular response to the problems of over-incarceration and criminal system overload produced in part by the late-20th-century “war on drugs.” Outcome studies often report successes in reducing drug use and criminal recidivism. Significant critiques of the drug court model and of problem-solving courts more generally have been offered, however, raising questions about the reliability of the outcome studies and about other negative consequences of the model, including net-widening, debasement of the therapeutic intentions of the enterprise, and other distortions in both the behavioral health treatment system and the criminal justice system.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1037969X2098510
Author(s):  
Megan Beatrice

The upward trend of incarceration rates persists among women in Victoria, with increasingly punitive sentencing and onerous new bail laws. At the same time, the complex needs of women in the criminal justice system are becoming the focus of greater study and documentation. This article presents the case for a specialist women’s list under the Magistrates’ Court of Victoria jurisdiction, based in principles of therapeutic jurisprudence and procedural justice. While the list aims to reduce offending by addressing criminogenic factors unique to women, the picture is far bigger; the Victorian Women’s Court ultimately promotes justice for women who commit crimes.


Author(s):  
David DeMatteo ◽  
Kirk Heilbrun ◽  
Alice Thornewill ◽  
Shelby Arnold

This chapter provides an introduction to the scope of the problems facing the criminal justice system, with a specific focus on the overrepresentation of mental illness and substance abuse among justice-involved individuals. After discussing the “revolving door” and increased incarceration and recidivism rates among mentally ill and drug-involved offenders, the authors introduce therapeutic jurisprudence and the other foundational principles and common themes of problem-solving courts. This discussion illustrates the paradigm shift away from punishment and toward rehabilitation and increased collaboration among different entities within the criminal justice system. The chapter concludes with a brief review of the contents of the volume.


Author(s):  
Joanna Pozzulo

This chapter provides a summary of the goals of the book and offers a look to the future in eyewitness familiarity research. The chapter addresses why there has been limited research examining familiarity within an eyewitness context. Next, it describes the current state of the field in terms of studying familiarity through four themes: (1) the limited amount of research utilizing familiarity in an eyewitness context; (2) the importance of focusing on system variables, such as police practices and procedures, that may exacerbate errors in familiarity cases; (3) the importance of understanding the interaction between familiarity and estimator variables that may increase or decrease eyewitness accuracy; and (4) the influence of familiarity claims in the courtroom. This chapter concludes with a discussion of the importance of studying familiarity in terms of the criminal justice system.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-30
Author(s):  
Melissa Neal Stein

People of color are disproportionately impacted by the criminal justice system. Many jurisdictions attempt to reduce racial disparities; however, they often do not incorporate strategies to effectively address institutional and structural racism. Resulting data reveal no effect or an exacerbating effect on disparities. This commentary attempts to translate three mistaken assumptions from the field of behavioral health, so that they apply to criminal justice system reforms. The mistaken assumptions for criminal justice are that system-wide reform efforts will naturally reduce disparities, current reforms meet the needs of diverse communities, and evidence-based practices have been tested for their impact on diverse groups. These may be countered with the following recommendations: apply critical race theory, respond to communities' needs, and adapt evidence-based practices.


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