Religious Freedom, the Good of Religion and the Common Good: The Challenges of Pluralism, Privilege and the Contraceptive Services Mandate

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-49
Author(s):  
V. B. Lewis
1995 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 565-566
Author(s):  
Philip E. Devenish

The papers that follow were presented on April 27, 1996, at a conference entitled “Religious Freedom, Modern Democracy, and the Common Good” and devoted to Franklin I. Gamwell's The Meaning of Religious Freedom: Modern Politics and the Democratic Resolution (Albany: SUNY, 1995). The conference was sponsored by the Lilly Endowment and held at Eden Theological Seminary in St. Louis.Gamwell's constructive proposal is significant not as a further nuance on settled ways of understanding the relation of religion and politics in the United States, but rather as an explicit attempt to unsettle the current consensus in approaching this issue itself. As Gamwell shows, the contemporary discussion is dominated by so-called separationist and religionist understandings that alike assume, rather than argue, that religion is “nonrational.” He engages positions representing the entire spectrum of such understandings, including the “privatist” view of John Rawls, the “partisan” view of John Courtney Murray, and the “pluralist” view of Kent Greenawalt, in order to demonstrate that such a nonrational approach makes it impossible democratically not only to assert, but also to give coherent meaning to the political principle of religious freedom.


Author(s):  
Erik Owens

Public schools are one of the quintessential civic institutions in the United States, with extraordinary reach into citizens’ lives. Public schools are entrusted with the civic responsibility to educate students with the knowledge, skills, and values required to contribute to the common good of our diverse society. This chapter connects the civic educational mission of public schools with the political and moral tradition of the common good, with a sketch of what may be called “civic education for the common good.” The first section discusses the concept of the common good and explains why religious freedom is an essential component. The second section distinguishes between civic virtue and the civic virtues, and describes which of the latter must be inculcated in schools to sustain the former. The final section argues that the common good is best served by a form of common education that is neither homogeneous nor radically pluralistic.


2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-4
Author(s):  
Michael Arthur Vacca ◽  

Conscience rights and public health often come into conflict. Both Catholic social teaching and the natural moral law give primacy to conscience and religious freedom. Those who put public health on a par with conscience and religious freedom, or who imply an equivalence among them, as if they were comparable elements of public policy, are misguided, however well intentioned. Ironically, the common good that is the foundation of the right to public health is harmed by violating conscience and religious freedom. The principle should be clear: all of society, not solely the state, should promote the common good through public health and safety measures insofar as doing so does not violate the dignity of the human person, especially in matters of conscience and religious freedom.


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