“You’re One or the Other”

2021 ◽  
pp. 21-45
Author(s):  
James Waller

A central defining feature of deeply divided societies is binary division: two contrasting segments of a population that represent a cleavage significant enough to impact a wide range of issues. Deeply divided societies, delineated by difference from the “other,” can be seen as intractable identity conflicts. To reduce our understanding of social identities in Northern Ireland to religion—Protestant or Catholic—is dangerously misleading. In reality, the issue is one of national identity, where Protestant becomes shorthand for unionist (those supporting Northern Ireland’s constitutional status within the United Kingdom and opposing the involvement of the Irish Republic in Northern Ireland) and Catholic for nationalist (those believing that Northern Ireland is part of the Irish nation and opposing the imposition of British rule that prevents a united Ireland). To the Protestant-unionist and Catholic-nationalist identities are often added a third identity category—loyalist or republican.

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 88-106
Author(s):  
Taras Kuzio

This is the first comparative article to investigate commonalities in Ukrainian and Irish history, identity, and politics. The article analyzes the broader Ukrainian and Irish experience with Russia/Soviet Union in the first and Britain in the second instance, as well as the regional similarities in conflicts in the Donbas region of Eastern Ukraine and the six of the nine counties of Ulster that are Northern Ireland. The similarity in the Ukrainian and Irish experiences of treatment under Russian/Soviet and British rule is starker when we take into account the large differences in the sizes of their territories, populations, and economies. The five factors that are used for this comparative study include post-colonialism and the “Other,” religion, history and memory politics, language and identities, and attitudes toward Europe.


1951 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 474-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard M. Scammon

Since the hard-fought general election of February 23, 1950, the narrow margin of Labor's control of the British House of Commons has been tested at the polls on ten occasions. This number of by-elections to fill vacancies in the membership of the House is a normal post-World War II figure (the previous House saw fifty-two replacements in its four and one-half years of life), although it is somewhat under that of prewar averages. In terms of locale, however, these ten by-elections were atypical. Though the overall distribution within the various parts of the United Kingdom was not unrepresentative (six in England, one in Wales, actually Monmouthshire, two in Scotland, and one in Northern Ireland), all vacancies chanced to come in urban areas. Eight of the contests involved borough seats and the other two (West Dunbartonshire and Abertillery, Monmouthshire) were primarily urban in character.


2003 ◽  
Vol 93 (1) ◽  
pp. 279-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Conor McGuckin ◽  
Christopher Alan Lewis

There is great value in exploring the prevalence of school bullying from a cross-national perspective. Smith, Morita, Junger-Tas, Olweus, Catalano, and Slee in 1999 presented a cross-national perspective on the nature, prevalence, and correlates of school bullying that encompassed a wide range of countries. However, Northern Ireland was not included, despite potentially being an important country to include, given its volatile social, ethnic, and religious history—leading to the concern that the population has become somewhat habituated to low level aggression. Thus, the present paper provides a review of the current literature on school bullying in the Northern Ireland school system. Evidence presented suggests that the incidence of school bullying in Northern Ireland may be higher than that in the rest of Ireland and the United Kingdom.


1999 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vernon Bogdanor

THE BRITISH-IRISH COUNCIL SPRINGS FROM AND IS PROVIDED FOR IN the Belfast Agreement signed on Good Friday 1998. Its coming into force depends upon the implementation of the Agreement. The Council is established, however, not by the 1998 Northern Ireland Act, which gives legislative expression to the bulk of this Agreement, but by an international treaty, the British–Irish Agreement, attached to the Belfast Agreement.The Belfast Agreement together with the legislation providing for devolution to Scotland and Wales establishes a new constitutional settlement, both among the nations which form the United Kingdom, and also between those nations and the other nation in these islands, the Irish nation. The United Kingdom itself is, as a result of the Scotland Act and the Government of Wales Act, in the process of becoming a new union of nations, each with its own identity and institutions – a multi-national state, rather than, as many of the English have traditionally seen it, a homogeneous British nation containing a variety of different people.


Author(s):  
Michael Keating

Unionists have defended the United Kingdom as a social or ‘sharing’ union in which resources are distributed according to need. It is true that income support payments and pensions are largely reserved and distributed across the union according to the same criteria. Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland are net beneficiaries. On the other hand, welfare has been detached from older understandings of social citizenship and ideas of the deserving and undeserving poor (strivers and skivers) have returned. Spending on devolved matters including health, education and social services is not equalized across the union. Instead, the Barnett Formula, based on historic spending levels and population-based adjustments, is used. Contrary to the claims of many unionists, there is no needs assessment underlying it, apart from a safeguard provision for Wales. The claim that the UK is a sharing union thus needs to be qualified.


1991 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 345-348
Author(s):  
John K. Speer

This case is the latest in a series of actions brought in the United States since 1984 that have resulted in court and administrative decisions on the claim of asylum by, and attempt at extradition of, the plaintiff, Joseph Patrick Doherty, a native of Northern Ireland and subject of the United Kingdom and its Colonies. He was admittedly a member of the Provisional Irish Republican Army and was convicted in absentia, in Northern Ireland, of murder of a British Army officer there in 1980. In the instant case, the plaintiff sought review by the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit of two administrative decisions by successive Attorneys General of the United States (one by Edwin Meese in June 1988, and the other by Richard Thornburgh in July 1989).


Author(s):  
M. Bliznyuk ◽  
O. Debre

The article analyses the state of technology education integration in economically developed foreign countries in accordance with today’s requirements. The world’s leading trends in the context of providing comprehensive, equitable, and quality technology education as one of the leading goals of sustainable development, approved by the United Nations, are considered. The structure of technology education in Germany and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland is described; features of technology education integration in France are considered. The importance of technological literacy and technological competence for the development of modern education, in general, is substantiated. The experience of such economically developed countries as Germany, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, France, and others shows that professional training for work in various fields is carried out today with the help of various educational disciplines. The content of these disciplines is a synthesis of new knowledge about nature, technology, and human activity in all spheres of life. Different terms of technology education are considered as synonyms of one universal goal of labour training by the world scientific and pedagogical community. It is the formation of students’ technological literacy through the development of knowledge and understanding of technology, developing technical skills, and understanding the links between technology and society. The main purpose of primary pupils’ technology education in these countries is the formation of technological literacy and technological competence. A characteristic trend of the studied countries is that the previously existing labor training in school, based only on the study of materials, tools, and technological processes of materials processing, is considered insufficient and outdated. Thus, the educational process in economically developed countries means primarily students who study changes in technology, and knowledge in this area should be flexible and provide a wide range of applications. Specific emphasis in the curriculum is made on practical activities, which include the following methods: work with means of labour; design product research; excursions and observations; project development; practical assessment; and history of technology development.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (4(61)) ◽  
pp. 229-241
Author(s):  
Joanna Aleksandra Radowicz

Scottish National Identity in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland Scotland became part of the United Kingdom in 1707, when the Act of Union was signed by both the Scottish and English Parliaments. Even though Scots were then largely subordinated to the decisions taken by Westminster, they maintained a sense of independence. One of the most important elements of building Scottish national identity is their history, mainly based on Scottish- English relations and traditions that have been thought to be “invented” by intellectual elites in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The aim of the article is to present Scottish national identity in comparison to historical conditions, with particular emphasis on Scottish-English relations.


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