Empire Loyalism and Nationalism in Ukraine and Ireland

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 88-106
Author(s):  
Taras Kuzio

This is the first comparative article to investigate commonalities in Ukrainian and Irish history, identity, and politics. The article analyzes the broader Ukrainian and Irish experience with Russia/Soviet Union in the first and Britain in the second instance, as well as the regional similarities in conflicts in the Donbas region of Eastern Ukraine and the six of the nine counties of Ulster that are Northern Ireland. The similarity in the Ukrainian and Irish experiences of treatment under Russian/Soviet and British rule is starker when we take into account the large differences in the sizes of their territories, populations, and economies. The five factors that are used for this comparative study include post-colonialism and the “Other,” religion, history and memory politics, language and identities, and attitudes toward Europe.

2004 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen M. Noonan

In the violence over Protestant marches in Northern Ireland in the late 1990s much of the debate centered on two towns, Portadown and Drumcree. Students of seventeenth-century Irish history will note that those towns were sites of some of the most infamous stories of rebel atrocities in the 1641 uprising. The continuity of such images reinforces the notion that ethnic and religious conflicts are immutable and perhaps inevitable. A certain fatalism surrounds the acrimony of Arab and Jew, Muslim and Christian, English and Irish arising from the conviction that such conflicts have raged, as if unchanging, over centuries. However, when viewed over time, the struggles between such groups are dynamic rather than static and have helped construct how each group sees the other and how it identifies itself. In the dynamism surrounding Anglo-Irish relations a number of important turning points can be identified. One of the most important is of course the seventeenth century, particularly the 1641 uprising. More than thirty years ago W. D. Love noted how for three centuries Irish historiography and Anglo-Irish intercourse had been molded by the events of the mid-seventeenth century and had compelled historians to support or deny the charges made by each side about the events of the 1640s. In trying to understand the searing nature of those events, and how they came to frame political as well as historical debates from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries, a number of historians have noted the importance of Sir John Temple and his propagan distic piece, The Irish Rebellion. Temple's work offered not just an interpretation of the 1641 uprising but a portrait of the two peoples, English and Irish, as basically and permanently incompatible—a thesis that has had remarkable staying power. Published in 1646, Temple's work was a departure from the Tudor and early Stuart canon on Ireland. While Temple borrowed much from earlier commentators such as Edmund Spenser and Sir John Davies, his analysis differed from them and set out in a new direction by defining the Irish as ethnically distinct. Spenser and Davies suggested that the problem of Ireland arose not from the land, or even its people (although Spenser devoted considerable discussion to the ways Irish customs undermined English success), but from foolhardy or poorly executed English policy. Even though the late Tudor and early Stuart commentators saw the Irish as barbaric, the Irish were thought to be amenable to the benefits of English culture and rule, although their reformation might require draconian measures. Even the divisive issue of religion was not thought insurmountable. Davies and Spenser argued that a religious reformation begun after peace and stability had been secured in Ireland would succeed. In contrast, Temple viewed the 1641 revolt as conclusive evidence that the Irish were irredeemable and posed a deadly threat to England and its people.


2021 ◽  
pp. 21-45
Author(s):  
James Waller

A central defining feature of deeply divided societies is binary division: two contrasting segments of a population that represent a cleavage significant enough to impact a wide range of issues. Deeply divided societies, delineated by difference from the “other,” can be seen as intractable identity conflicts. To reduce our understanding of social identities in Northern Ireland to religion—Protestant or Catholic—is dangerously misleading. In reality, the issue is one of national identity, where Protestant becomes shorthand for unionist (those supporting Northern Ireland’s constitutional status within the United Kingdom and opposing the involvement of the Irish Republic in Northern Ireland) and Catholic for nationalist (those believing that Northern Ireland is part of the Irish nation and opposing the imposition of British rule that prevents a united Ireland). To the Protestant-unionist and Catholic-nationalist identities are often added a third identity category—loyalist or republican.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-34
Author(s):  
Maria Lähteenmäki ◽  
Alfred Colpaert

The paper examines politics of memory related to the Arctic Finnish-Russian-Norwegian borderland, Petsamo-Pechenga. How it has been remembered, shared and interpreted after the Second World War by refugees from Finnish Petsamo and their offspring, on the one hand, and Finnish public writing, on the other hand? Which means have been used to revitalize their collective and personal narratives and construct the geohistorical space of Petsamo? During the Second World War, Petsamo was the focus of the Arctic conflict, and at the end of the war, Finland lost the region to the Soviet Union. Our source material comprises 521 articles, which we analyzed using qualitative and text mining methods. We conclude that compared with the other war refugee communities in Finland, Petsamo is peripheral to Finnish public post-war memory politics and nostalgia tourism. This is for several reasons: the fact that people from Petsamo constituted a minority among the Finnish evacuees (5200 of 420,000) and were subdivided into two groups (Finns and Skolt Sami people), the devastated and polluted environment, militarization and closeness of Russian Pechenga until the 1990s. The politics of memory about Petsamo – such as nostalgia tourism, written memories, monuments, intergenerational experiences of landscape and history books – can be seen as a manifestation of collective sorrow for a lost homeland, both as individual therapeutic surrender and creating a special emotional community of ex-Petsamo people.


1969 ◽  
Vol 21 (03) ◽  
pp. 594-603 ◽  
Author(s):  
Y Takada ◽  
A Takada ◽  
J. L Ambrus

SummarySephadex gel filtration of human plasma gave results suggesting the presence of two proactivators of plasminogen, termed proactivators A and B.Activity resembling that of proactivator A was found in rabbit plasma, but not in guinea pig plasma.Plasminogen activators produced by the interaction of proactivator A of human plasma with streptokinase had no caseinolytic or TAMe esterolytic effect.Proactivator A can be separated in a form apparently free from plasminogen, as shown by the heated fibrin plate test and by immunological analysis. On the other hand, proactivator B concentrates prepared so far are contamined with plasminogen.Human proactivators appear to be far more susceptible to streptokinase than are rabbit proactivators.Inhibitors of the fibrinolysin system were observed in the plasmas of all 3 species. These inhibitors are not present in the euglobulin fraction of plasma. Sephadex fractionation of euglobulin fractions results in proactivator preparations that do not contain inhibitors.


Author(s):  
Mathew Whiting

When Sinn Féin and the IRA emerged in Northern Ireland in 1969 they used a combination of revolutionary politics and violence to an effort to overthrow British rule. Today, the IRA is in a state of ‘retirement’, violence is a tactic of the past, and Sinn Féin is a co-ruler of Northern Ireland and an ever growing political player in the Republic of Ireland. This is one of the most startling transformations of a radical violent movement into a peaceful political one in recent times. So what exactly changed within Irish republicanism, what remains the same, and, crucially, what caused these changes? Where existing studies explain the decision to end violence as the product of stalemate or strategic interplay with the British state, this book draws on a wealth of archival material and interviews to argue that moderation was a long-term process of increasing inclusion and contact with political institutions, which gradually extracted moderate concessions from republicanism. Crucially, these concessions did not necessitate republicans forsaking their long-term ethno-national goals. The book also considers the wider implications of Irish republicanism for other cases of separatist conflict, and has significance for the future study of state responses to violent separatism and of comparative peace processes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-42
Author(s):  
Rysa Sahrial

Poverty is one continuing social issue which is hard to solve. Dealing with this problem, Islam has already had the alternative solution that is tithe (Zakat). Zakat is implemented to decrease economy imbalanced appeared in the society. While in fact, not all the Moslem pay Zakat. There are five factors as the reason why Moslem didn’t do that. First, some Muzakki wants to deliver his zakat directly.Seconde, not all Muzakki know how much Zakat must be paid. The other factors are Limited information about Mustahik home, limited time that Muzakki have to deliver his Zakat directly and the easiness to report Mustahik data. Dealing with those factors, it is required to have an information system which can make Muzakki meets Mustahik. In this research, information system application used Extreme Programming (XP) development method. XP method is required to program a system which will be made by accomodating the users’ needs and expectations.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 336-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ophir Münz-Manor

The article presents a contemporary view of the study of piyyut, demonstrating that Jewish poetry of late antiquity (in Hebrew and Aramaic) was closely related to Christian liturgical poetry (both Syriac and Greek) and Samaritan liturgy. These relations were expressed primarily by common poetic and prosodic characteristics, derived on the one hand from ancient Semitic poetry (mainly biblical poetry), and on the other from innovations of the period. The significant connections of content between the different genres of poetry reveal the importance of comparative study. Thus the poetry composed in late antiquity provides additional evidence for the lively cultural dialogue that took place at that time.


Author(s):  
Padraic Kenney

Prisoners and their supporters often refer to the experience as a “prison university.” Time in prison among people of the same movement gave prisoners the opportunity to learn and to develop politically. Prisoners who might never have met outside grew together as they studied and shared knowledge. Disparities of knowledge and political experience made communal education possible. Everything from mathematics to foreign languages to the basics of ideology brought prisoners together in a common activity. Prisoners on Robben Island used the management of sports to hone their administrative abilities. IRA men in Long Kesh developed new approaches to the fight against British rule in Northern Ireland.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-123
Author(s):  
Catherine Schuler

A war of history and memory over the Great Patriotic War (WWII) between the Soviet Union and Germany has been raging in Vladimir Putin’s Russia for almost two decades. Putin’s Kremlin deploys all of the mythmaking machinery at its disposal to correct narratives that demonize the Soviet Union and reflect badly on post-Soviet Russia. Victory Day, celebrated annually on 9 May with parades, concerts, films, theatre, art, and music, plays a crucial role in disseminating the Kremlin’s counter narratives.


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