Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Eileen Boris

Asking why it took a century for domestic workers to come under global labor standards, this introduction frames the ILO as a producer of social knowledge whose definitions cast the woman worker as a distinct category in law and social policy. It traces changes in the global political economy, introduces the structure of the ILO, and outlines subsequent chapters. Though not an explicitly feminist organization, legal-equality and labor feminists alike sought to use the ILO to advance their own agendas. Despite growing acceptance of formal equality, the ILO came up against women’s assumed responsibility for homes and families, including reproductive labor. By the 1970s, structural transformations rendered the male-breadwinner model inadequate, turning the ILO’s attention to the “informal” sector exemplified by women home-based workers in the Global South. With the unraveling of the employer-employee relation and legal protections, the woman worker in the early 21st century came to stand as a harbinger for a world of precarious, feminized labor—part-time, short-term, and low-waged—that the ILO seeks to combat through a “decent work” agenda, which includes improving unpaid as well as paid domestic work, both of which are essential for women’s labor force participation.

2002 ◽  
Vol 18 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 11-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen I. Safa

This article questions the benefits of globalization for low-income women through an analysis of 1997 data on women export-processing workers in the Dominican Republic. Export processing has contributed to an increase in women’s labor-force participation and their greater economic autonomy. But the percentage of men employed in export processing has also increased and efforts to improve working conditions through collective bargaining or other means are still weak. The increasing percentage of female heads of household, who rely heavily on extended kin for financial and emotional support, provides additional evidence of the erosion of the male-breadwinner model.


2019 ◽  
pp. 229-242
Author(s):  
Eileen Boris

In the early 21st century, women still found in home-based labor a private solution to their need to earn income while looking after children and other family members. Even as the ILO embraced gender mainstreaming and gender-neutral standards (except for maternity), it re-inscribed care work as part of the problem of the woman worker on the eve of its 2019 Centennial. Building a new care economy emerged as the solution to winning equality and transforming paid household labor into decent work. To encourage women’s labor force participation, the ILO would remake the workplace through flexi-time and flexi-space. It continued to promulgate best practices for improving working life, adding assistance with monitoring global supply chains and encouraging corporate social responsibility. It debated a new instrument on gender violence and sexual harassment at work, including harms to LGBTQ people. Nonetheless, the unraveling of labor standards and the onslaught against worker rights spread conditions once associated with women in the Global South to men as well as women in the industrialized North. As the gig economy and computerization increasingly positioned the home as a site of commoditized work, economic justice in all worksites became bound ever more intimately to justice in the home.


Author(s):  
Eileen Boris

Founded in 1919 along with the League of Nations, the International Labor Organization (ILO) establishes labor standards and produces knowledge about the world of work, serving as a forum for nations, unions, and employer associations. Making the Woman Worker illuminates the ILO’s transformation in the context of the long fight for social justice. Before 1945, it focused on enhancing conditions for male industrial workers in Western, often imperial, economies, while restricting the circumstances of women’s labors. After WWII, the ILO—then a UN agency—highlighted the global differences in women’s work, focused on bringing women into “development,” began to combat sexism in the workplace, and declared care work essential to women’s labor participation. Today, it enters its second century with a mission to protect the interests of all workers in the face of increasingly globalized supply chains, the digitization of homework, and cross-border labor trafficking. The ILO’s treatment of women provides a window into the modern history of labor. The historic relegation of feminized labor to the part-time, short-term, and low-waged prefigures the future organization of work. How we treat workers in the next century will inevitably build upon evolving ideas of the woman worker, shaped significantly through the ILO.


2019 ◽  
pp. 193-228
Author(s):  
Eileen Boris

After looking at prior efforts to address domestic/household work, this chapter situates the making of the Domestic Workers Convention, 2011 (No. 189), “Decent Work for Domestic Workers.” Paving the way were ILO discussions on migrant labor and the informal economy. “Decent work” and “fair globalization” initiatives framed the convention, but the ILO would not have formalized household employment without national and regional social movements, the creation of the International Domestic Workers Network (IDWN) under South Africa’s Myrtle Witbooi, and its campaign for ILO attention. Domestic workers gained a presence at the ILO, despite formal institutional barriers, aided by NGO and union allies, especially Women in Informal Employment: Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO) and the IUF (International Union of Food, Agricultural, Hotel, Restaurant, Catering, Tobacco and Allied Workers’ Associations). Convention No. 189 recognized the centrality of paid care work for women’s labor force participation and the functioning of the global economy. For a new century, it boosted the ILO in a fight against the precarity and informality that were undermining the very idea of universal labor standards. Parlaying victory into better conditions would prove daunting, but IDWN (and its successor, the International Domestic Workers Federation [IDWF]) secured more ratifications in a few years than many other conventions.


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