Justice Promised or Just a Promise?

Author(s):  
Fanie du Toit

This chapter evaluates the reconciliation process in terms of its inherent promise of social inclusion and fairness in South Africa. It first asks whether the constitutional process could be judged to have been inclusive and fair to all. Then it asks whether the TRC failed to address social justice and thereby constituted a setback to the reconciliation agenda. Finally, the chapter asks about the measure of inclusivity and fairness that have been achieved after some twenty years. The discussion concludes that inclusivity and fairness were not sacrificed at the time when reconciliation shaped the political transition but were compromised more recently, to the extent that inclusion across social divides failed to materialize and political leaders deviated from serving the common good. Just as early reconciliation efforts initially flourished through leadership, so in later years, reconciliation has floundered in its absence.

Author(s):  
J. Phillip Thompson

This article examines the political aspect of urban planning. It discusses Robert Beauregard's opinion that planning should not reject modernism entirely or unconditionally embrace postmodernism, and that planners should instead maintain a focus on the city and the built environment as a way of retaining relevancy and coherence, and should maintain modernism's commitment to political reform and to planning's meditative role within the state, labor, and capital. The article suggests that planners should also advocate utopian social justice visions for cities which are not so far-fetched as to be unrealizable so that planning can then attach itself to widespread values such as democracy, the common good, or equality.


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.


2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 265-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Davin Helkenberg ◽  
Nicole Schoenberger ◽  
S. A. Vander Kooy ◽  
Amanda Pemberton ◽  
Karim Ali ◽  
...  

2007 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
John de Gruchy

AbstractThis article explores the genre of public theology from the specific context of South Africa, while looking for the points of commonality set out by Duncan Forrester. Since the phrase 'public theology' refers to an engagement between theology and politics in specific locations, its content will be diverse and, yet, there is much that diverse public theologies share. Moreover, good practice in public theology requires that secularity and religious diversity are taken seriously. Consequently, Christian witness in secular democratic society means promoting the common good by witnessing to core values rather than seeking privilege for the Christian religion. In particular, this article offers the anti-apartheid and other activities of Joseph Wing and Douglas Bax, as well as the academic work of Denise Ackermann and the political service of Alex Boraine as examples of good practice in public theology in South Africa. The article concludes with the affirmation that public theology implies engagement in matters of public importance either through debate or action and always with self-critical theological reflection.


Author(s):  
Gordon E. Dames

This article proceeds from the aim to revitalise the value of a service ethic for human well-being and the common good of all. The service delivery crisis in South Africa and Africa forms the context. A contemporary example of an embodied practical theology of service is offered, followed by a theological and social analysis of service delivery in South Africa. A theoretical service ethic framework with special reference to practical theology as a living Christopraxis is discussed. Finally, the value of diaconology as a science of service is presented, followed by the conclusion.


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