The Politics of Planning

2012 ◽  
pp. 738-758
Author(s):  
J. Phillip Thompson
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Urban Planning ◽  
Built Environment ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Political Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common ◽  
The City

This article examines the political aspect of urban planning. It discusses Robert Beauregard's opinion that planning should not reject modernism entirely or unconditionally embrace postmodernism, and that planners should instead maintain a focus on the city and the built environment as a way of retaining relevancy and coherence, and should maintain modernism's commitment to political reform and to planning's meditative role within the state, labor, and capital. The article suggests that planners should also advocate utopian social justice visions for cities which are not so far-fetched as to be unrealizable so that planning can then attach itself to widespread values such as democracy, the common good, or equality.

Justice Promised or Just a Promise?

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fanie du Toit
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Social Inclusion ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common ◽  
Reconciliation Process

This chapter evaluates the reconciliation process in terms of its inherent promise of social inclusion and fairness in South Africa. It first asks whether the constitutional process could be judged to have been inclusive and fair to all. Then it asks whether the TRC failed to address social justice and thereby constituted a setback to the reconciliation agenda. Finally, the chapter asks about the measure of inclusivity and fairness that have been achieved after some twenty years. The discussion concludes that inclusivity and fairness were not sacrificed at the time when reconciliation shaped the political transition but were compromised more recently, to the extent that inclusion across social divides failed to materialize and political leaders deviated from serving the common good. Just as early reconciliation efforts initially flourished through leadership, so in later years, reconciliation has floundered in its absence.

Love of Glory and the Common Good

1982 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 825-836 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Palmer
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Highest Good ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
Political Problem ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The City

How the city, the political community, may ask its citizens to sacrifice their lives for the sake of its preservation has plagued us since the birth of political philosophy. This article examines Thucydides' presentation of Pericles' attempt to solve this problem by reconciling the highest good of the individual and the good of the city by means of the love of glory. I contrast the central themes of Pericles' speeches in Thucydides, especially his renowned funeral oration, with other parts of Thucydides' presentation of Periclean Athens, in particular his famous account of the plague, to demonstrate his doubts about the efficacy of the Periclean solution to the political problem.

Speaking for Islam

2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Institutional Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Authority ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
Islamic Values ◽  
French Model

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.

scholarly journals ECONOMIC POLICY UMAR BIN KHATTAB

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-164
Author(s):  
M. Aufarul Mawahib
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Modern State ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common ◽  
City State ◽  
The City

Umar bin Khattab during his leadership in the city-state of Medina he had laid the foundations of the modern state especially in the economic field which will be discussed in this paper. Umar made many breakthroughs that had never been done by the Messenger of Allah and the Caliph before, Abu Bakr as-Siddiq. Although one of the policies that will be mentioned in this paper is opposed by some Muslims at that time, Umar can prove to his people that what he did was for the common good and interests.

Speaking for Islam

2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Institutional Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Authority ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
Islamic Values ◽  
French Model

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.

Education for the Common Good: A Student Perspective on Including Social Justice in LIS Education

2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 265-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Davin Helkenberg ◽  
Nicole Schoenberger ◽  
S. A. Vander Kooy ◽  
Amanda Pemberton ◽  
Karim Ali ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Student Perspective ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common
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