A Peaceful Transition of International Order?

2021 ◽  
pp. 145-184
Author(s):  
Steve Chan ◽  
Huiyun Feng ◽  
Kai He ◽  
Weixing Hu

This concluding chapter reviews and summarizes, reiterating the problematic aspects of current practice in applying the concept of revisionism. It introduces prospect theory to provide insights about prospective Chinese and US policies, and it offers caveats about the possible direction of these countries’ relations. Despite the recent escalation of tension between Beijing and Washington, the authors view the future with cautious optimism. They argue that to stabilize this important bilateral relationship, both sides should maintain mutual nuclear deterrence, avoid various forms of power politics (especially displays of military escalation), and dial back nationalist rhetoric contributing to tension and undermining trust. A transition of international order does not necessarily require a power transition between these countries, and it can come about peacefully.

Author(s):  
George P. Fletcher

This book is an invitation to readers interested in the future of international cooperation to master the 12 basic dichotomies of international criminal law. The book foresees a growing interest in international order and cooperation following the current preoccupation, in Europe as well as the United States, with national self-interest. By emphasizing basic dichotomies, for example, acts vs. omissions and causation vs. background conditions, the book reinforces the jurisprudential foundations of international criminal law and also provides an easy way to master the details of the field.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Jessica Chen Weiss ◽  
Jeremy L. Wallace

Abstract With the future of liberal internationalism in question, how will China's growing power and influence reshape world politics? We argue that views of the Liberal International Order (LIO) as integrative and resilient have been too optimistic for two reasons. First, China's ability to profit from within the system has shaken the domestic consensus in the United States on preserving the existing LIO. Second, features of Chinese Communist Party rule chafe against many of the fundamental principles of the LIO, but could coexist with a return to Westphalian principles and markets that are embedded in domestic systems of control. How, then, do authoritarian states like China pick and choose how to engage with key institutions and norms within the LIO? We propose a framework that highlights two domestic variables—centrality and heterogeneity—and their implications for China's international behavior. We illustrate the framework with examples from China's approach to climate change, trade and exchange rates, Internet governance, territorial sovereignty, arms control, and humanitarian intervention. Finally, we conclude by considering what alternative versions of international order might emerge as China's influence grows.


1983 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-487
Author(s):  
D A L Auld ◽  
L B Eden

The development of federal-provincial financial equalization in Canada is reviewed in this essay. Also included is a discussion of the 1982–1987 fiscal arrangements; an explanation of two competing philosophies of equalization—fiscal need and fiscal equity; and an exploration of some implications of the 1982 Constitution Act for the future of equalization in Canada. It is concluded that the 1982 Act offers substantial support to the narrow-based fiscal equity principle and that future equalization programs in Canada should therefore be similar to current practice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry

AbstractThe crisis of the American-led international order would seem to open up new opportunities for rising states—led by China, India, and other non-Western developing countries—to reshape the global order. As their capacities and influence grow, will these states rise up and integrate into the existing order or will they seek to overturn and reorganize it? The realist hegemonic perspective expects today's power transition to lead to growing struggles between the West and the “rest” over global rules and institutions. In contrast, this essay argues that although America's hegemonic position may be declining, the liberal international characteristics of order—openness, rules, and multilateralism—are deeply rooted and likely to persist. And even as China seeks in various ways to build rival regional institutions, there are stubborn limits on what it can do.


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